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LETTERS 



TO 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, 



ON 



CHRISTIANITY AND THE SABBATH, 

BY 
J 

HORATIO PRATER, Esq. 



" Religious insincerity — commonly called cant — is one of 
our special vices." — Cox's Sabbath Laws, §c. 3 p. 214. 

Les Mceurs, qui regnent aussi imperieusement que les lois." 

Montesquieu. 

*' Although faith and hope abide in the human mind, yet 
greater than these is charity — and greater far than this favourite 
sentiment of the Apostle, is justice."-— E. P. Hurlbut, Coun- 
sellor at Law, New York, Of Constitutional Limitations, p. 26. 

" Thou shalt not entertain, much less enforce any religious 
dogmas, which divide mankind into distinct classes, and create 
animosities between them." — Lewis Gompertz, Esq., Tract, 
War Considered. 




LONDON : 

J. CLAYTON AND SON, 223, PICCADILLY ; HOLYOAKE AND CO., 

147. FLEET STREET ; TRUELOVE, 240, STRAND, 

TEMPLE BAR ; FARRER, 21, JOHN STREET, 

FITZROY SQUARE. 

1356. 



<»•<& 



m'gQWAN AND CO., PRINTERS, LONDON, 



ADVERTISEMENT. 



I think it necessary to say, in reference to ths 
defective arrangement of this work, — which is 
perhaps more particularly visible in Letter IV. — ■ 
that my general plan is to write commentaries, 
or notes, on all the works I read. In conse- 
quence, I found it difficult to separate some re- 
flections on Lord Brougham's Political Philo- 
sophy, and Sir A. Alison's History, only indirectly 
connected with the subject, from others which 
bore directly upon it. My views will be found to 
be the Protestant principle properly carried 
out, united to Catholic forms as at present ex- 
isting; and in my attacks on the established 
creed, I have purposely avoided ribaldry, and en- 
deavoured to make my language as little offensive, 
as a free, and I trust, impartial examination, ad- 
mitted ; though probably, in the hurry of compo- 
sition, I have not always succeeded on this point. 
Anxious to seize any new idea before it flies, a 
writer cannot be ever attentive to his mode of 
expressing it. 

I should not probably have published the pre- 
sent work, had it not had a somewhat different 
object than suggesting a change in our national 
religion; for in the present age, suggestions for mere 
demolition have often before been made uselessly 



IV ADVERTISEMENT. 

by many first rate authors. I have consequently 
endeavoured to show what this change should be, 
and thus attempted also the work of reconstruc- 
tion ; hereby endeavouring to make my book 
conservative. I beg the evangelical reader, there- 
fore, to turn towards the close of Letter IV., to 
see what these propositions are, when fatigued or 
annoyed, he asks, " What have you put in its 
place ?" 

I have referred once or twice to my Historical 
Sketches of some of the Roman Emperors, but 
this Essay is at present in M.S. ; nor is it neces- 
sary to read the passages referred to in this 
M.S. Essay, in order to understand any part of 
the present work. They are merely facts or de- 
tails on which my opinions rest. 

In conclusion, I feel that in this publication, I 
address only the few ; but shall, like the eloquent 
Beccaria, consider myself fortunate, if I obtain 
even their secret thanks. " Me fortunato, si potro 
ottenere, com'esso(Montesquieu),i segretiringrazia- 
menti degli oscuri et pacifici seguaci della ra- 
gione !" (Dei Delitti, Sect I. J 

22, Beaumont Street, 

Marylebone, Nov., 20th, 1855. 



TO THE MEMORY 

OF 

THE EMPEROR JULIAN, 

/ 

THE 

LAST OF THE ROMAN EMPERORS, 

WHO RESTORED 

THE POETICAL AND SO HIGHLY TOLERANT 
PAGAN RELIGION: 

THIS WORK 

HUMBLY RECOGNIZING THE SUPERIORITY OF THIS 
WORSHIP, 

—ALL NATURE PERSONIFIED— 

BOTH FOR ITS TRUTH AS WELL AS FOR ITS BEAUTY OVER 

ETERY OTHER RELIGTON THAT HAS EYER 

YET EXISTED, 

IS INSCRIBED. 



ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



LETTER I. 

As English divines and laymen have now for some years 
written in favour of the Sabbath being not of divine in- 
stitution, and as Puritanical Christianity is the estab- 
lished religion of Great Britain, the American people are 
addressed on the subject. 

Quotations from Mr. Hurlbut's work, showing, as he says, 
the " infant state of religious freedom in the cradle of 
liberty." 

Should a Republic enforce natural religion as the paid re- 
ligion of the State, or not ? answered in the affirmative. 

Hurlbut on the Sabbath in the United States, with the 
author's remarks. — Pages 1 to 16. 

LETTER n. 

Christianity not a useful creed. — Reasons. — 1st. — The great 
uncertainty as to its real meaning. 

2ndly. — Christianity enslaves the immortal mind ; since 
its mode of " purifying the thoughts," is on every point to 
set up faith before reason. 

3rdly. — The scriptures may induce savages to murder inno- 
cent people, while such positive commands as — '• Thou 
shalt not suffer a witch to live," remain in them. Mis- 
sionary labours of Christians, therefore, deprecated, 
particularly among ignorant nations, and Theism com- 
bined with physical science, preferred as a means of 
civilization. 

4thly. — The belief in Christianity, existing as it does in 
the United States, under the most favourable circum- 
stances, is not conducive to human happiness. 



Till CONTENTS. 

5thly. — Reasons for considering the Rev. Theodore Parker's 
liberal view of Unitarianism, not so beneficial to the 
world, as mere natural Theism. 

6thly. — The belief of Christianity is at the bottom of the 
very strict observance of the Sabbath in the United 
States and Britain. This puritanical view is fraught with 
the practical injustice of allowing debtors to escape on the 
Sabbath — of preventing the poor man doing that work 
on a Sunday, which the fatigue or want of time pre- 
vents him doing on a week day, and also of avoiding to 
take measures to suppress syphilis, which being heredi- 
tary, causes the innocent to suffer for the guilty. Theism 
adopted by Penn. The .^injustice to Catholics residing in 
Protestant States, to leave no theatre open on Sunday 
evenings. — Pages 17 to 34. 

LETTER III. 

The good that Christianity, with, the greatest show of 
reason, may be said to have done in the world. 

1st. — Its influence on despotic power, comparison ot the 
reign of Henry VIII., with that of some of the worst 
Roman Emperors, and the good influence of Christianity 
in this respect, though acknowledged, considered to be 
greatly over-rated. 

Its exhorting to " obey the powers that be," and forbidding 
tyrannicide, has caused it to be supported byTyrants, and 
has given such tyrants a sort of justification, when they 
themselves were disposed to evil. 

2ndly. — The assertion that it has tended to abolish animal 
and even human sacrifice ; and to introduce a more hu- 
mane treatment to captives taken in war. 

Quotation from the Middle Ages, showing that Paley has 
over-rated the influence of Christianity on this latter 
point. 

Also in reference to polygamy, and its having u pro- 
duced a greater regard to moral obligations." 

Paley's sophistry when he attempts to show that Chris- 
tianity has not added to the intolerance of human nature. 

Religious fanaticism more unjustifiable than political fanati- 
cism, in reference to the first French revolution. 

Paley's observations on a day of rest. 

The certainty with which a future state is advocated by 
Christianity would be an excellent effect were it not 
vitiated by promising too great reward to " faith." 



CONTENTS. 1% 

Its denunciation of war also good, but altogether vitiated 
by its reprobating even defensive war. 

Commentary on Lord Brougham's opinions on religious 
establishments, and attempted refutation of his view that 
these " secure instruction," at least while Christianty is 
the established religion of a country. Beccaria a freer 
writer on religion than Brougham. — Pages 35 to 64. 

LETTER IV. 

Examination of the question whether the commencement 
of the first French revolution was to be ascribed to the 
diminution in the belief of Christianity by the influence 
of the writings of Voltaire and Rousseau. 

Decided by the author in the negative, with a quotation 
from Lord Byron to the same effect : the most potent 
causes of the outbreak being famine, national bankruptcy, 
political tyranny of the bastile, &c, and the return of 
a successful revolutionary army from the United States 
under Lafayette. 

Question, whether the legal suppression of Christianity 
after the revolution had fairly begun, was the cause of the 
wanton atrocities in question, also answered in the nega- 
tive. Long quotations from Lord Brougham's Political 
Philosophy in reference to the French Revolution. 

The suppression of Christianity does not appear to be con- 
sidered by him as connected with these atrocities : they 
are ascribed to the too democratic form of constitution, 
that of '93 being much more so than that of '95. 

Extracts from Brougham's life of Carnot, in support of the 
position that this defect rendered increased severity and 
despotism necessary. 

Details from Sir A. Alison's work, in which, generally 
speaking, the same view is taken. His chapter on the 
war in the Vendee in parts not favourable to this position, 
examined, and refutation attempted. 

His previous censure of the slaughter of 40,000 unresisting 
inhabitants of Jerusalem by order of Godfrey de Bouillon 
(in his own view a pious Christian), totally incompatible 
with some passages in the chapter alluded to, and such mur- 
der more unjustifiable than the slaughter in the Vendee, 
since, in this case, the opposition was " most determined." 

Evidence that a great number of Republicans were put to 
death in cold blood, when at times the Royalists were suc- 
cessful in the struggle ; that at the very commencement, 



X CONTENTS. 

the former tried ineffectually means of conciliation, and 
at all events did not resort to the horrors of the " Bap- 
tisms, Marriages, &c," till, goaded almost to madness 
by the approach of foreign armies, extreme severity 
seemed absolutely necessary for the safety of the Re- 
public. 

The above atrocities, however, were the sole work of Car- 
rier, whose " authority," Alison admits, " was un- 
bounded " in the Vendee ; and he was subsequently 
justly guillotined for these crimes, though, I admit, not 
till Robespierre's fall. ISTo evidence, however, to show 
that Robespierre would have recommended the putting 
of women and children to death by wholesale, or any 
cruelty (torture, &c, so prevalent in the Christian mid- 
dle ages) in the mode of death to men, seeing the guil- 
lotine was expressly adopted, as apparently the quickest 
and easiest mode of execution for the real or supposed 
criminal. 

Increased humanity commenced in 1795, not because 
Christianity was then allowed by law, but because the 
constitution also was made less democratic, and because of 
the reaction which always takes place in such circum- 
stances. Humanity, however, only gained full force 
when the supreme power of the state became still more 
secure, by being placed in the hands of military leaders, 
viz., Barras and Napoleon. 

Outward forms of any new Theistic church should be simi- 
lar rather to those of the Catholic than the Protestant, 
as suggested by Sir T. More, who, in his Utopia, obvi- 
ously prefers Theism and Plato to Christianity. . . . 

Extracts from the work proving this curious point in re- 
ference to the distinguished Chancellor under Henry VIII. 

A brief outline of some general changes in the laws, which 
appear necessary or expedient if a government substitute 
Theism for Christianity. 

Thus a reply found to the ignorant question — " What are 
we to put in its place ?" and, in the author's opinion, afar 
more just and useful code proposed. 

Necessity for the use of moral restraint, or other " checks" 
on population, according to the views of Malthus, Mill, 
and others, before the condition of the poor can be 
greatly ameliorated ; and of some alteration of opinion 
generally on the sexual question, before the amount of 
female prostitution can be diminished. Christianity has 
done no good on this subject, or that of infanticide. 

Pages 65 to 119. 



CONTENTS. XI 



NOTES. 



A. — Vindication of Roman toleration even as regards the 
Druids. That Hume gives no solid reason why natural 
Theism could not be a religion of the state. Religious 
toleration probably less at Rome under the Republic than 
under the Empire. 

B. — That the imprisonment of Richard Carlile and others 
contributed to the freedom of the press rather on poli- 
tical than on religious matters ; but that Hartley's Will 
case, &c, &c, shows that government retains still even 
a legal power to punish the authors of writings against 
Christianity. 

C. — Details as to the punishment of death for witchcraft. 

D. — Details as to the so-called Reformation. Vast supe- 
riority of Gibbon in this respect to Luther and Calvin, 
yet still does not go far enough. Charles V. and the 
Reformation ; bad effect of Christianity on his mind, 
Luther's absurd doctrine of justification by faith, without 
works. D'Aubigne's and Scott's false views. The true, 
yet remarkable confession of the latter, that infidel phi- 
losophy and not Christianity diminished the number of the 
victims of the Inquisition. The Reformation succeeded 
because Henry VHL, Albert of Prussia, and others in 
power chanced to advocate it ; and though it effected 
some useful increase of civil liberty, it was no reforma- 
tion in religion. Sir T. C. Morgan in 1822 justly wrote 
the same. 

E. — Remarks on the passages in Suetonius, Tacitus, and 
Pliny, in reference to Christianity. 

F. — State of debtor and creditor, and of lawyers, under the 
ancient Roman government, 



LETTEES 



TO 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 



LETTER I. 

u It is not possible to destroy political servitude while 
allowing religious servitude to remain ; the political springs 
by necessity from religious slavery. In that place where 
the priest may say to an entire people, l Surrender to me 
your reason without conditions,' the Prince, by an infallible 
logic, may repeat also, c Surrender to me your liberty with- 
out control.' " — Quinet. 



Citizens, — After having read the laborious 
and learned work of Eobert Cox On Sabbath 
Laws and Sabbath Duties, and observed therein 
that Dr. Arnold, in 1834, and Archbishop Whately, 
so late as 1849,* have both given their opinion 

* Cox, p. 221. It is now a long while (viz., from Sep- 
tember, 1853,) since Cox's admirable book has been pub- 
lished ; and I am sorry to say that, although written in 
such a spirit of moderation, that the author nowhere directly 
puts scripture authority aside, yet scarcely one of our quar- 
terly or monthly journals has ever mentioned the book ! ! 
In consequence of this disposition to treat scripture with 
respect. Cox has been often forced into those same ambi- 
guous views, which we see in the scripture itself: and this 

B 



2 LETTERS TO 

that Sunday is a holiday, not by divine, but only 
by ecclesiastical institution — an opinion amply 
confirmed by others as well as by Cox himself — 
it is, I think, useless to anticipate for the present 
any change in the puritanical mode of keeping 
that day in England ; or otherwise the writings 
of men of such influence as Arnold and Whately 
would long ago have tended to make it with Eng- 
lish Protestants what it actually is with German 
Protestants (their theatres being open on the Sab- 
bath), a day of innocent recreation and amuse- 
ment, as well as of rest.* The day, however, re- 
is the great fault of his book. He, like most of us, has 
been obliged to sacrifice to " conventional hypocrisy." 
(p. 390-) Surely, then, if such amiable objections to our 
creed are no better received by the press, it is time to 
speak out the full truth. 

* It is also to be remembered that George Combe's 
Constitution of Man and also the Vestiges of Creation have 
now been published many years, and both sold to the ex- 
tent of many thousand copies, and though Deistical, have 
not diminished clerical influence among us, or in the 
slightest degree altered our gloomy Sunday. Chapman, 
Watson, and Holyoake have also, for many years, sold 
thousands of copies of free-thinking books and tracts (still 
more confessedly Deistical and revolting to opinion than 
the above,) without effecting an acknowledged and open 
avowal of Deistical views in even what is worthy to be 
called a minority of our population. Thousands, no doubt, 
in this country are merely Deists in reality ; but as the 
public confession of such views injures their reception in 
society, they feel obliged to keep their views private. While 
I admit, therefore, that the freedom of the press in these 
matters, is now, and has been since the death of Carlile 
(a martyr to the cause,) the M glory of England," I still 
see no hopes of any great practical change in religion 
among ourselves. We are. of course, in a u false position" 
on account of our Established Church : so, indeed, I think 
are you Americans, even without any national church esta- 
blishment, solely on account of the public opinion in your 
country being too favourable to, at all events, some form of 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 3 

mains still with us a " heavy day " as even 
Wilberforce, (Evidences of Christianity,) called 
it, the Calvinistic moral gloom adding tenfold to 
the physical gloom of our London fogs. 

Under such circumstances, I propose to address 
the "pars altera" of the Anglo-Saxon race on 
this subject; I mean the American people, who, 
having wisely separated Church and State, are 
in a better position than ourselves to effect ecclesi- 
astical reforms. And should they wisely attempt 
such, I doubt not that the spirit of rivalry between 
the two nations, will soon induce ourselves to 
. strive to follow their example — at leasts indeed, I 
should hope such would be the effect. 

One of yourselves, my friends, in his Treatise 
on the Philosophy of Evil, (Philadelphia, 1845,) 
has a section on The Mischief of our Gloomy 
Sunday ; and yet, though written so lately, has 
produced no change in your Sabbath. Indeed, 
Lyman Coleman publishes years afterwards, (in 
1852,) in the same city of Philadelphia, his 
Ancient Christianity, and says, M The whole 
English race, wherever found, alone have a Sab- 
Christianity. But the difference between us is, that it 
seems far easier for you to effect reforms in this matter 
than it is for us. 

In vain again did the Edinburgh Revieio, for 1850, say 
that free discussion on religion a is discountenanced on all 
sides, and branded with reproachful names." It is the 
same still ; though it is some years since a journal of such 
great influence wrote as above ! In 1852 the Sabbath 
Alliance boasted of our superiority over other countries, on 
account of the ij freedom with order," attributing this 
chiefly to our Puritanical observance of the Sabbath. But 
The Edinburgh states what is still a fact. I deny our 
4 * freedom" in reality. It also appears, that a reprehensible 
pride, (viz., to be different from the continental people, 
whether they be right or wrong,) is concerned in this strict 
Sabbath observance. 



4 LETTERS TO 

bath, a Christian Sabbath, holy unto the Lord. 
With all else, throughout Christendom, the Sab- 
bath is a holy day, a festival." (Quoted in Cox, 
p. 536.) 

Coleman rightly gives the Puritans " the im- 
mortal honour," as he calls it, of introducing this 
austerity into the i( States," which, no doubt, is 
their due ; for Cox shows that even Knox and 
Calvin could only have indirectly influenced the 
custom. Of course Luther was too wise (though 
not a liberal-minded man in reality) ever to have 
given sanction to such a movement, and seems in- 
stinctively to have adopted Burke's wise maxim, 
viz., "That lawful enjoyment is the surest way to 
prevent unlawful gratification. " (Cox, p. 448.) 
Accordingly, as already observed, the Lutheran 
Protestants have at this day their places of amuse- 
ment open on Sunday evenings : by which means 
no doubt, in accordance with Burke's maxim, they 
prevent much of the drunkenness that vitiates a 
little the sanctity of our English and American 
Sabbath. Poor hard-worked wretches ! what re- 
mains for them on a Sunday evening in a dense 
London fog, but to dissipate the vast moral and 
physical gloom by a little gin or more beer ; and 
no wonder in such circumstances, after once feel- 
ing the exhiliration, if they almost instinctively 
take too much and retire to the new world of sleep 
wholly or partially intoxicated ; and, of course, in 
either case with more or less injury to their health. 

Hence it is, all in accordance with this view, 
that Cox has wisely put the following in succession 
in his Table of Contents (p. xviii.) "Knowledge 
of Human Nature needs to be diffused. Causes 
of the comparative sobriety of the French. Im- 
portance of recreation as a means of demolishing 
intemperance. Gloomy religious views foster this 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 5 

vice. Religious Insanity. Drunkenness can be 
cured only in accordance with the maxim : Sub- 
lata causa, tollitur effectusP 

In the work itself the reader will find these 
points fully elucidated, and will, I think, come to 
the conclusion that " Temperance Societies" are 
perfectly or nearly useless, while our "heavy 
Sunday M is suffered to remain. 

Drunkenness and illicit intercourse of the sexes, 
and increased tendency to suicide and madness, 
are the bad effects of Calvinistic austerity, and 
perhaps the only shadow of any good in its favour 
is, its supposed tendency to increase respect for 
rational religion. 

But while I acknowledge any institution that 
has this effect is useful, I maintain that the auste- 
rity in question overshoots the mark, and more 
often produces mere national hypocrisy, or abso- 
lute disgust, than additional respect for religious 
worship. It may, to a certain extent, increase the 
outward respect of religion in all classes, but this 
is almost always purchased at the too dear price of 
increased aversion to practice the moral duties of 
life. It actually becomes a sort of substitute for 
the same, as the Hon. W. Pitt says in his Letter 
on Superstition* "by setting up something as 
religion which shall atone and commute for the 
want of virtue." It renders hypocrisy in fact 
fashionable — no more. It affects the life, not the 
heart ; and certainly has a tendency to produce 
that most odious spectacle — a nation of sanctified 
cheats. And, for my own part, I cannot help re- 
garding the man who cheats you under the mask 
of religion as a far greater villain than he who 

* Holyoake, 147, Fleet Street. An unanswerable pro- 
duction, and worthy the man who favoured the liberal- 
minded Frederick the Great 



6 LETTERS TO 

discards religion before he plunders his prey ; since 
in the former case he is truly " taking God's name 
in vain " in the strictest sense, and then adds one 
sin to another. 

As in England we have a national religion, 
there is with us, my friends, perhaps more excuse 
than with you for upholding our Puritanical Sab- 
bath. Our very sovereign cannot turn Catholic 
without acting illegally and risking her throne ; 
and our saints would be sure to construe any re- 
laxation of Sabbatarian discipline on her part, 
into a secret leaning towards Catholicism. With 
probably, therefore, the most liberal tendency in 
this respect, Her Majesty feels herself compelled 
to wear the gilded fetter in order to prevent any- 
thing like civil commotion.* And as in Monar- 
chies, the Sovereign is naturally enough, " the 
fountain of honour," few of consideration in the 
country feel inclined to do that which the Sove- 
reign forbids herself to do. Our aristocracy, too, 
here, cling to religion as to the firmest support of 
the State ; and while reluctantly yielding to the 
Corn Law Bill, they still refuse Jewish Emanci- 
pation ; as if even the slightest alteration in the 
Constitution, as regards religion, were a change 
more to be deprecated than one which — as the 
Corn Law Bill — more decidedly affected their 
material interests. This prejudice extends — in a 
feebler degree certainly — to the Commons, and 

* We must also not forget that it was, in great part, for 
attempting to do the very same thing, viz., promote rational 
recreation for the Sunday, that Charles I. was beheaded. 
Therefore, in Britain, any Sovereign who even indirectly 
appeared to aid in such a change would, by the masses, 
who seldom reason justly on nice moral points, be consi- 
dered as wishing to restore Despotism. Yet, in reality, 
such Sovereign would be acting just the contrary now. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 

throughout the country generally ; and as a proof 
of it, T may state that playing on the piano, or at 
chess or draughts, on a Sunday is almost as much 
in general abhorrence, in strict Protestant families, 
as going to the theatre or a ball on the same day. 
Now this shows the great influence of mere opinion 
on the subject, (see Sir Robert Peel's speech, 1835 
— quoted in Cox, p. 348,) as there is no actual 
law to prevent such amusements in private. The 
suppression of Sunday trains for passengers be- 
tween Edinburgh and Glasgow (which caused 
Cox's book to be written) was also effected by the 
influence of opinion only, (the law itself rather in- 
clining the opposite way,) which opinion has been 
formed chiefly by the constant repetition in our 
churches of the Jewish inscription : " Remember 
thou keep holy the Sabbath day." Yet Sunday is 
not the Sabbath day ! /* 

Although in this latter respect, you Protestants 
of the States are probably in the same predicament 
as ourselves, this is not the case as regards your 
temporary Sovereign or President. He, at least, 
is free from all religious shackle ; and can conse- 
quently exert little or no influence in that respect 
on American society generally. He may be a 
Catholic, he may be a Jew, Unitarian, or even 
disguised Theist ;t and you wisely enough con- 



* Cox shows tliis clearly enough ; yet half our popula- 
tion, not daring to think for themselves on religious matters 
conceive they really keep the Sabbath day. But the day 
has been changed from Saturday to Sunday, without God's 
command or permission. Now this in mortals, is as bad as 
blasphemy. The Jews are much wiser on this point ; they 
distinguish labour from amusement, and allow music, but 
do not permit even Jewish servants to work. 

t Such were the illustrious Washington and Jefferson ; 
and I use the word " disguised" advisedly, as we shall ste 



8 LETTERS TO 

sider him none the worse for that, or incapable, 
from such circumstance, of holding the first office 
in the State. In this, I must acknowledge, you 
are far before us ; as also in many of the men you 
send out as Ministers, being professed Unitarians, 
and sometimes even professed Theists or Pantheists. 
Show, then, I beseech you, that you are nationally 
above any illiberal prejudices of being thought too 
Catholic in your tastes, on a point in which reli- 
gion is, in reality, not at all concerned ; I mean 
the opening places of amusement and recreation 
for the people on the Sabbath. 

The real reason why these are closed among 
you, is doubtless the same which has caused them 
to be closed among us ; I mean a desire to " keep 
holy the Sabbath day ;" but I have already briefly 
stated that this reason is untenable, and must refer 
you to Cox's large work itself for more ample 
details and quotations on both sides of the 
question. 

But as man is the slave of habit and prejudice 
much cftener than of reason, it seems not impos- 
sible that with many of you, even Cox's arguments 
may be considered inadequate ; and if you ask me 
why, allow me say, that the real cause at the bot- 
tom of this will be, that Christianity has gained an 
undue and actually unjust ascendency over pure 
natural Eeligion, or Deism, in your Eepublic. 
This has been the invariable tendency of Christianity 
whenever it has been in competition with other 
religions ; alike at its origin with the graceful 
mythology of the ancients* — under the Koman em- 
hereafter, that religion is not perfectly free even in the 
United States. 

* All other religions, were content with the toleration — 
far superior to our own Protestant so -called toleration — of 
the state religion of Home ; and naturally enough ; for 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 9 

perors, as under your Kepublic. It is in vain, 
therefore, that your constitution says, all religions 
are equal in the eye of the law, for all revealed 
religions are necessarily intolerant, and will never 
be contented with what they ought to be, viz , 
just equality. I shall proceed to elucidate this 
proposition by extracts from Human Rights and 
their Political Guarantees* by your countryman, 
Mr. Counsellor Hurlbut; and I shall then fol- 
low up this Letter by an examination of the utility 
of Christianity to Government, for the belief in 
this opinion I doubt not is also at the bottom of 
your great external respect for that religion, and 
consequently concerned in keeping up your gloomy 
Sunday. 

" The constitution of North Carolina/' says 
Mr. Hurlbut, " was amended in 1836, the word 
Christian being substituted for the word Pro- 
testant, in the following sentence : — " No person 
who shall deny the truth of the Protestant Reli- 
gion, shall be capable of holding any office, or 
place of trust, or profit, in the civil department of 
the state/ It is also stated in the same, that — 
' All men have a natural and unalienable right to 
worship Almighty God according to the dictates of 
their conscience/ — Thus," says Mr. H. ? (i they 
may worship and the state will not interrupt them ; 
but it will inquire as to the divinity they adore — 
and if it be not the constitutional Jehovah, the 



they had their niches in the Pantheon, and seemed placed 
on actual equality with the heathen gods themselves. But 
Christianity was not content until it could dethrone, so to 
speak, those who were so liberal. Surely here was just 
reason for persecuting it, especially since it was itself a dan- 
gerous fiction. 

* With notes by George Combe. — Edinburgh, 1847 
Maclachlan. 

b 2 



10 LETTERS TO 

unlawful worshippers will be excluded from civil 
offices. They may, however, hold military offices — 
the state being content to have heathens bleed in 
its defence/' (Of Constitutional Limitations, 
p. 27 J 

In Massachusetts again, the government has 
the power to require, " Protestant teachers of 
piety to be supported by the parishes, when provi- 
sion shall not be made for them voluntarily." 
Every Christian sect is to be equally protected by 
the laws. 

" This portrays" (continues Mr. H., justly,) 
ic the infant state of religious freedom in the cradle 
of liberty" — to wit — " A species of religious es- 
tablishment and its compulsory support." Mr. H. 
rightly says " a species," for equally, as in North 
Carolina, some form of Christianity is obligatory, 
or the penalty of what is really persecution by law, 
as well as by opinion, must be borne. 

It is consolatory to observe by an amendment 
adopted in 1820, that the chief officers of 
state are now not required to declare that they be- 
lieve in Christianity :* but the above regulations 
remain unchanged. 

In New York too, f; the legislature may interfere 
with the rights of opinion — and the courts in the 
administration of the common law, may punish a 
man for speaking against the prevailing religion 
(i. e. Christianity) of the country ! !" {Ibid. 27.) 

" But if," continues Mr. H., " law take into 



* The revised constitution for New York for 1846, pro- 
vides, " that no person shall be rendered incompetent to 
be a witness on account of his religious belief." (Combe, 
note, p. 81.) Thus perfect religious liberty is slowly but 
happily progressing, though Combe does not know if the 
above has passed the legislature. See also further on for confir- 
mation of this reflection in reference to the State of New York 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 7 1 

favour the religion of the majority, it tyrannizes 
over the minority ; if it establishes the religion of the 
Christian, it offends the Infidel, the Jew, and the 
Heathen.'' As the majority make the laws, it was 
to be expected that one like that of New York, 
would sooner or later be made ; but while it exists, 
let our worthy American friends confess, that reli- 
gious liberty or equality is a mere hypocritical 
farce among them. The punishment by opinion 
was constitutional and not actually unjust in such 
cases ; but when the majority go further and make 
actual law on the subject, they then clearly become 
tyrannical, and if they do not violate the constitu- 
tion, they certainly violate the laws of eternal and 
immutable justice. 

Mr. Hurlbut mentions the statute of the State 
of New York on common school education, enacted 
only in 1844, in which we find, that if "books 
containing sectarian doctrine of any particular 
Christian or other religious sect are used in such 
schools, these shall not be entitled to monies from 
the school fund of the State ; yet it continues, 
" nothing herein contained shall authorize the 
exclusion of the Holy Scriptures without note or 
comment ! /"* (p. 28.) Mr. H,, says, " 1 do not 
perceive how the legislature obtained any idea as 
to what Scriptures are holy and what are not — 

* All this shows (even in its disguise), the inherent in- 
tolerance of Christianity, -which induced Justinian to put 
down even the venerable schools of Athens: u That," says 
Gibbon, " which even Gothic arms did not do, was done by 
a religion, whose ministry superseded the exercise of reason, 
resolved every question by an article of faith, and con- 
demned the sceptic to eternal flames /" (Chap. 40, Justinian.) 
Paganism was in some degree compensated for its utter 
downfall through the influence of Christianity, by Gibbon's 
statement, " That its introduction, or, at least, abuse, had 
some influence on the fall of the Roman Empire." * * * 



12 LETTERS TO 

what are with, and what are without note and 
comment/' 

"It would seem that we need further constitu- 
tional provisions, such as will render it impossible 
for the religionist of any sect whatever to obtain 
the least legal recognition, the adoption of his 
sacred books, or any other favour from the state. 
Until the State takes the position of perfect indif- 
ference and impartiality, the rights of conscience 
will not be secure, and that religious freedom so 
much boasted of in America will rest upon an in- 
secure foundation." 

" While several of the States punish blasphemy, 
declaring Sunday to be holy time, require officers 
to believe in the Christian religion, the clergy who 
teach all these things are disfranchised." (In New 
York, for instance,, they can hold no civil office 
or place within the state.") 

" Democracy," he adds, " cuts an awkward 
figure in coquetting with religion. It had better 
assume at once an air of perfect indifference." 

"But, it is inquired," says he, tC can a S r ,ate 
exist which recognises no religion ? I answer that 
it can as well as if it do not recognise music." 
(p. 28.) 

I may observe in reference to this point, that if 
we leave the mind perfectly free, as believing or 
not in a future state of rewards and punishments, 
we ought to increase the severity of the laws, and 
also, as Beccariaf suggested, establish institutions 
for rewarding virtue. In a republic some form of 

" Under it," says he, "the Roman world was oppressed by 
a new species of tyranny." Yet, with philosophic impartiality 
te admits further on, that it tended to diminish the ferocious 
barbarity of the barbarians who conquered Rome. (Chap. 
38— end.) 

* Dei Delitti xli. — Come si prevengono i delitti. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 13 

religion (pure Theism better than any) seems al- 
most necessary, and has existed in all ancient 
republics. Athens had too much superstition and per- 
secuted those of true religion, viz., the philosophers, 
including Socrates. Venice too was a very reli- 
gious republic ; so at present is Switzerland. They 
all seem to err, not in having respect for religion 
itself — but in having had, and still having respect 
for an intolerant and false religion. The Religion 
of Nature is clearly the only true religion; and as 
it existed before Christianity, so it will exist 
after it. 

I observe Mr. Combe, in his note on religious 
education, [Op. Cit., p. 83), asks: — " Would not 
Mr. Hurlbut's views tend to convert schools into 
seminaries of Calvinism, Catholicism, and So- 
cialism, &c, according to the opinions of the ma- 
jority, and so to rear sects filled with inveterate 
hostility to each other ? The government may 
legitimately and beneficially aid, and sometimes 
enforce, the active obedience of its subjects to the 
natural laws. * * * ' Man has no right to be dirty or 
grossly ignorant (because by being so, he justly 
injures or offends those near him ) and, if so, has no 
right to relief from the parish. He ought to be 
forced to change.' * * * If we suppose a government 
to possess a code of really pure morality and reli- 
gion, clearly expressed and practically elucidated, 
would not a people be in better condition at the 
end of two centuries of teaching of this code by 
force of law, than that in which they would be 
found after the same period of sectarian teaching, 
such as they would receive if left to the uncon- 
trolled guidance of their clergy. After instancing 
Prussia, (which though the best practical example, 
is not to his point as being exclusively Christian), 
he adds : — " If government be supposed in the 



14 LETTERS TO 

right, is not the practice of right always be- 
neficial ?" 

I am inclined to believe these views of Combe 
to be just : they were those of two sincere Repub- 
licans living in different ages, Plato and Rousseau, 
on this subject : they thought that Republicanism 
might with justice try and enslave the mind to 
virtue, by compelling sound religious belief, if it 
left the laws otherwise free. We have only to look 
at the United States now (the best educated 
country in the world) — we have only, I say, to 
reflect on her Quakers, Shakers, Rappites, Mor- 
mans, and Spirit Rappers, and we may rationally 
enough come to the conclusion, that the multitude 
ought not to be left perfectly free as regards their 
religious belief; since the state of that country 
shows clearly enough, that a man's religion de- 
pends far less on his reason, than on his hopes and 
fears and prejudices, and the opinion of the 
country : so that, in truth, he is enslaved on the 
subject, when appearing to be left free. The false 
•opinions on this subject to which he is thus forced, 
increase the natural intolerance of human nature, 
as no man can possibly be a sincere believer in 
Christianity, and not feel more or less horror or 
detestation of all " Jews, Turks, and Infidels." If 
any Republic would make natural religion the re- 
ligion of the State, and enforce payment to this, 
it would be nothing else than diminishing the 
temptation to adopt any other of the revealed re- 
ligions, (always necessarily intolerant), and con- 
sequently would be indirectly diminishing the 
strong temptation to injustice which naturally 
exists in human nature. 

" As regards the observance of a day of rest," 
says Mr. H., " the State has an undoubted authority 
to abstain from all action on such a day ; but it 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 15 

cannot rightfully compel any man to keep Sunday 
as a religious institution ; nor can it require him 
to cease from labour or recreation on that day, 
since it cannot be shown that the ordinary exercise 
of the human faculties on that day is in any way 
an infringement on the rights of mankind. " 
(p. 28.) 

Combe, (in his Note F., p. 83,) says — "In the 
recent discussions in Scotland, the Sabbatarian 
party has strongly overlooked the right of those 
who take a different view of the matter from theirs, 
to act upon that view if they please. 5 ' 

But supposing they do " act upon it," they are 
still punished, as I conceive unjustly, though by 
opinion only, as such opinion is founded on a 
falsehood, — by which the multitude is in many cases 
led involuntarily, — I mean that the scriptures are 
the word of God, and that they inculcate the pu- 
ritanical observance of Sunday, as a positive duty. 

I believe with Mr. H., that the State cannot 
rightfully compel any man to keep Sunday in this 
way. But unjust as punishment by opinion only 
is in such cases, government has still increased 
the injustice in England, and the States by making 
actual law on the subject, and compelling all 
public places of amusement to be closed on a 
Sunday evening. 

Hurlbut very justly says, " there is in this 
country, viz , the States, a species of religious 
establishment^ notwithstanding the constitu- 
tional provisions, for the free exercise of religious 
beliefr (p. 26.) 

Now I would beg to enquire whether such a 
state of things may not be called actually illegal ? 
Legal or illegal — this hermaphrodite condition in 
reference to religion — fostering as it does through 
the whole population a state of hypocrisy — which 



16 LETTERS TO 

is necessarily carried in a greater or less degree 
into all the affairs of life, and is continually 
prompting to actual lying, and consequently to 
dishonesty, is very disgusting to a candid and 
honourable mind ; and must be inwardly so to 
many of yourselves, American citizens. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 17 



LETTER II. 

Citizens, — I shall begin this letter by some con- 
siderations as to the utility of Christianity to go- 
vernment, being convinced it is the belief in its 
supposed utility, far more than in the actual truth 
of the religion, that causes it to remain still so 
much respected even by some enlightened statesmen. 

When I find such men as Frederick the Great 
of Prussia, your late President, the illustrious 
Jefferson, and I may, perhaps, add the late Lord 
Chesterfield, holding such opinions as regards its 
utility, I approach this topic with respect, but still 
with the firm conviction that these distinguished 
men were mistaken. 

1st. — In the first place, an irremediable fault in 
it is, the great uncertainty as to what it really 
teaches; for by its endless contradictions, the 
mind feels greater difficulty in seizing its real 
tenets than those of mere natural religion for these 
are written by nature herself in the consciences of 
all mankind. 

Hence it is, " that religious wars among chris- 
tians, and deaths from the inquisition, have cost 
the lives of 67,000,000 human beings ;" whereas 
" the variety of religions and gods in the heathen 
world neither produced wars, nor dissentions 
among the different nations/'* 

I admit, that by a wise separation of church 
and state, you have prevented in a great measure 

* Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History quoted in Trevelyan's 
pamphlet, (p. 6.,) on the Insanity of Mankind. (Bailliere.) 



18 LETTERS TO 

religious wars; but you have not been able to 
effect impossibilities, and to eradicate the inherent 
intolerant spirit from the Christian creed, as Mr. 
Hurlbut's remarks just quoted show. You only 
suffer from this, less than other nations. The flame 
of opinion, increased by the hopes and fears of the 
Christian's death, obliges the " pious" among you 
to persecute socially 

In consequence of preaching the eternity of 
punishments, Christianity teaches intolerance more 
clearly perhaps, than any other tenet; and yet 
leaving its meaning, as to the trinity or unity, 
election, justification by faith, real presence, &c, 
&c, debateable points, itself tends to foster end- 
less disputes between Catholics, Protestants, and 
Unitarians. We have just seen what slaughter 
it has caused in the world, and much undoubtedly 
remains for tinhorn ages, who will have to go 
through the same phases before they arrive at the 
same civilisation, and consequently indifference 
on the subject. In this respect, so far from sur- 
passing the Eomans, we are only now gradually 
coming near them in real civilisation. Let it, 
however, be remembered, that there is even now 
only one nation of any strength in the world — 
(viz., your own), where all actual persecution by 
law is difficult, and you will be convinced how 
much misery is yet in store for mankind from such 
uncertainty as to the meaning of this supposed 
revelation. A Republic, with Church and State 
separate, is the only means of completely taking 
away the power of persecution from Christianity by 
law, — I wish I could say also by opinion. To the end 
of the Chapter there will likewise be Catholic Mis- 
sionaries, as well as Protestant, anxious from the 
mere spirit of selfishness to secure, as they conceive 
their own salvation, by interfering with other 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 19 

people's business, or, in fact, trying to make con- 
verts among savage tribes. In consequence among 
these real converts and believers, there will always 
be war and discord ; for the odium theologicum 
(among Christian Sects) cannot die, though it 
may sleep for a time. 

2ndly. — Christianity tends to enslave the immortal 
mind, by assuming, as it does, a power over the 
thoughts, (since even " looking on a woman to lust 
after her," is absurdly enough put down in this 
creed, as the same as actually committing adultery, 
whereas it is clear that though a man " lust after 
a woman/' yet still, by considerations of duty, he 
might be prevented from desiring carnal knowledge 
of her.) Thus, I say, under the profound cant of 
purifying the mind, and censuring what none can 
prevent, (for who can prevent mere desire for the 
opposite sex ?) Christianity fosters the worst form 
of slavery — that of the mind. We see this fea- 
ture in taking other aspects of it, for it everywhere 
puts faith before reason ; and consistently fol- 
lowed, would lead all again to become ignorant 
monks. 

That it also sanctions bodily slavery is clear 
enough ; and it is only by an advance in civilisa- 
tion that the feeling against slavery has increased 
of late years, for it existed for centuries after the 
introduction of Christianity, and no one dreamt 
that it was censured by this faith. Indeed, how 
can it be, for the faith itself makes some of the 
greatest virtues to consist in a base humility ? 
Slavery is the essence of all real Christianity. 
But on earth we have only a mock and spurious — 
because really impracticable scheme. If born in 
Heaven, it should have kept there, for it never has 
been, and never can be acted on by the inhabitants 



20 LETTERS TO 

of earth. And the attempt to keep up even the 
appearance of being Christian, has been the secret 
cause of all the cant which so eminently distin- 
guishes the Anglo-Saxon race; since it tends to 
make all of us found our opinions of real virtue 
on the false standard contained in this system. 
Consequently, no man among us is what he really 
seems, or wishes to seem, for we are naturally 
under the circumstances, anxious to have the merit 
of i( piety and chastity," (I wish I could add 
"poverty," and thus complete the Christian vow,) 
that scarcely any of us merit. 

All this it is that has produced such a difference 
in our literature from that of the Greeks and 
Romans. These men spoke out on all subjects, 
especially those relating to the intercourse of the 
sexes, and show mankind as it really is ; while to 
read our literature one would go away with the 
false idea that we were the most moral and modest 
of people. But, as Voltaire says, this sort of 
modesty often extends no farther than our lips. It 
is really a pleasure to read the works of this 
writer, Bayle, Rousseau, Gibbon, or Hume, in 
comparison with the works of our very Christian 
historians or philosophers — for it is like reading the 
ancients instead of the moderns. Christianity, 
you will say, has therefore elevated our literature ; 
I rather think it has debased it by a perfectly un- 
natural spirit of cant. Hume himself justly says, 
hinting perhaps also to this point. " In general 
there is more candour in ancient historians. Our 
speculative factions, especially those of religion, 
throw such an illusion over our minds, that men 
seem to regard impartiality to their adversaries and 
to heretics, as a vice or weakness." A man so lost 
to all sense of natural religion as to regard " impar- 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 21 

tiality as a weakness," is a perfect disgrace to any 
free government.* 

I have censured the Anglo-Saxon race more 
particularly on this point, because somehow or 
another, abroad, Protestant, or Koman Catholic 
writers (especially the French) do not carry pru- 
dery so far. We may witness this in our English 
translations. Some time ago I bought t^o — one 
of Faust, and one of Herodotus, — and it was not 
until I had read the preface that I perceived that 
many passages in each had been omitted, as im- 
proper for English translation. Now as this was 
not stated on the title page, it became something 



* Essays, Vol. L, note EE., page 552. The probable 
reason of this difference is, that we wish to be thought 
more eminently Christian than the other church sects do ; 
so we are striving after Christian appearances. Hence our 
proverbial cant. Cox has some good observations which 
will apply, though indirectly, to this point, and show how 
it is that there is more of this religious pretension (cant) 
among Protestants than among Catholics, for such I think 
is the case. u There is no essential difference betwen a 
claim of infallibility honestly expressed in words, and a 
tacit assumption of infallibility, by our conduct towards 
those who differing from us, commit precisely the offence 
and no more, which we commit in differing from them. 
That we may really be the Protestants we call ourselves, it is 
not enough to abuse the Pope, and assert against Mm the 
right of private judgement in religion, we must acknowledge 
and respect in all others (whether Jews, Roman Catholics, 
Deists, or even Atheists) the rights which in our own case we 
hold so precious." (Op. Cit., p. 376.) The fact is, our En- 
glish Protestantism is only a sort of half toleration, so that a 
man who only goes as far as Unitarianism, is held — by Protes- 
tants too — not to be a Christian, and of course to be a 
Deist is to expose oneself to open persecution. Now the 
Pope, admitting no dissent prevents all this cant which 
among Protestants flourishes because Protestantism is now 
our state religion, and because full toleration is not in 
reality allowed by public opinion or even by law. 



22 LETTERS TO 

more than a mere '' pious fraud/' and with all the 
sanctity of religion, amounted to actual dishonesty. 
That the same spirit of prudery animates Christi- 
anity on the other side of the Atlantic is clear 
from various facts, and though it may notbe true that 
the legs of pianos are not allowed to be seen, still 
I find it stated only in to-day's paper, that adver- 
tisements occur in which shirt and chemise are 
called men's and women's " under vests." There 
is little harm in all this certainly, and only as far 
as it seems to lead to actual falsehood and dis- 
honesty, as mentioned at the end of Letter L, is it 
reprehensible. But I cannot help thinking that 
the tendency of a really i?npr actio able code which 
necessarily leads to dishonesty in words, is to pro- 
duce the same in acts. For it is in vain I look all 
through the New Testament for that constant ex- 
hortation to fair- dealing in business and the common 
affairs of life, which is so admirably insisted on in 
Plato's last and greatest work on government, viz., 
his Laivs. 6i The foundation of virtue," justice, as 
Mr. Hurlbut well insinuates, is completely forgot- 
ten in the constant exhortation to an unreasonable, 
and if I may so speak, often unjust " charity."* 

* The philosopher will also remark, that after asserting 
that u looking on a woman to lust after her," is committing 
adultery with her, we find that Christ dismissed a woman 
actually taken in adultery without punishment or even sta- 
ting that she deserved any ! A specimen this of " uncertainty 
of meaning." There is also no scale of punishment, but 
sins of the most unequal magnitude are all grouped toge- 
ther as if of equal magnitude. Witness, for instance, the 
expression, u Whoremongers and adulterers God will 
judge," and another where " fornication and unnatural 
lust" are put on the very same category. Cox says, " for- 
nication, in the abstract, was not forbidden to the Jews," 
and quotes Bishop Horsley, who says, " In the heathen 
world it was never thought a crime, except it was accom- 
panied by injury to a virgin's honour, or the violation of 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 23 

3rdly. — By the progress of the arts and sciences 
among us, we have gradually come to make the 
science, as taught in scripture, totally untenable. 
Galileo long ago suffered for that absurd passage 
which makes the sun turn round the earth ; and at 
the present day, Dr. Buckland among ourselves 
was persecuted by opinion, because he attempted 
to show that geology is totally at variance with the 
recent formation of the earth, as asserted in Scrip- 
ture. 

Other absurdities in respect to science still, how- 
ever, remain almost unnoticed ; such, for instance, 
as, " Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." But 
as modern science has shown that il animal mag- 
netism" is for the most part an absurdity, so it will 
reasonably declare the same of witchcraft. Yet 
the numbers who have been put to death all over 
Europe for this purely imaginary crime, are almost 
inconceivable 

Now, I would beg to ask, what is to prevent the 
same murder again, when our missionaries have 
introduced the Scriptures among savages ? Many 
of these u religious" men still believe in this in- 
fernal art, notwithstanding its absurdity ; and even 

the marriage bed." Horsley praises the Christian religion 
for making it a breach of natural morality. (Cox, p. 515.) 
But Christianity has no practical effect in diminishing it, 
(witness our London streets at night,) and even now the 
vast proportion of men of sense secretly (at all events) con- 
sider this " heathen" view the only rational one on the 
subject. I do not by these remarks attempt to justify even 
mere fornication, but what I say is, that ivith the present sys- 
tem of society it is a necessity as the world itself shows. 
Under such circumstances, when our Litany couples it with 
all other " deadly sin" we at once see the lamentable reign 
of Ano'lo-Saxon cant. If the woman is well provided for, it 
is often, even now, no sin at all, especially when married 
parties cannot agree well enough to live together, and being 
Catholics, cannot marry again. 



24 LETTERS TO 

suppose none of them did, savages are sure to do 
so long after the introduction of the Scriptures. 
And there in the holy book is the command of 
death to all witches. The consequence is clear, 
viz., that as the intensity of .faith is always greater 
at first, and particularly among barbarous, ignorant 
nations, the mischief of introducing Scriptures 
containing such commands* among such a people 
is obvious. 

* One of the most frequent vices among savages, and 
even among civilised nations, is dishonesty or fraud. But 
that religion which says, " Let not your right hand know 
what your left doeth," and also exhorts us to be " mild as 
doves, and cunning as serpents," is surely not the school for 
teaching fair dealing. 

Again, Paley says it does not forbid war. But if it did 
certainly do so, it would, in tliis respect, be a benefactor to 
mankind. But here, as elsewhere, its ambiguity is a con- 
stant curse to its beneficial effects. Instead of having 
" brought life and immortality to light," it has enveloped 
them in double darkness when its whole narration is con- 
sidered. 

There is no doubt that the best religion that can be 
preached to savages is Theism, and at the same time such a 
degree of physical science as shall prevent that fear of su- 
pernatural agency which has been a principal cause of human 
sacrifices, and other abominable religious rites. The nature 
of thunder and lightning should be most especially explained 
to them in reference to diminishing all fear of this being 
sent to punish sin by an offended God. 

This seems a far better way of creating an opinion in a 
savage country against human sacrifices than by preaching 
Christianity. Such opinion will eventually cause a law to 
be made against such abominations ; and it is in reality law 
that puts down such enormities with the great majority, 
for religion acts on the consciences of the few, its rewards 
and punishments being so remote. 

I may take this opportunity to state that I have recom- 
mended physical science to be taught to savages at the same 
time with Theism, chiefly in consequence of the many 
proofs of superstition found in the otherwise pure system 
of religion enounced by Plato in his Republic and Laws. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 26 

4thly. — As to the question, whether or not the 
belief in Christianity is conducive to human hap- 
piness (always supposing the power of any great 
degree of persecution is as effectually suppressed 
as it is by the constitution of the United States,) 
there may be difference of opinion. The ground 
for supporting such opinion will principally be 
that the Christian faith teaches the certainty of a 
future life, in which we shall be sure to meet our 
departed relatives and friends again. But against 
this good point, we may place the following, which 
will make us decide that the belief in Christianity 
(even under such a favourable government, for its 
most beneficial operation as the '* States,") is not 
desirable for human happiness. 

This opinion is grounded on the fact, that it is 
impossible, on account of the uncertainty of its 
doctrines as above stated, to separate only the 
good from the bad, that it seems to teach — the 
sins or faults, as some people say, of its professors, 
from the " pure doctrine" itself. 

Thus, for instance, we find that even in the 
States what may be called the most rational and 
purest forms of the creed (viz., Unitarianism and 



In this latter work, for instance, (p. 351, Traduction de 
Grou, 1851,) Plato recommends that whoever is well 
skilled in Divination, &c, &c, and would use such arts to 
hurt any one should be put to death ! Had Plato studied 
physical science more, he would have seen the fallacy of 
" the occult sciences," and consequently never would have 
made such a barbarous law. The fault was however in the 
age in which he lived, for Plato knew as much as most men 
on such points. Neither should the Theism preached to 
savage tribes inculcate more than remotely God's provi- 
dence, and that virtue and vice are to be punished hereafter, 
and not now, and also in another world ; for it was from 
teaching God's constant interference in human affairs, that 
the barbarous " trial by combat" of the middle ages arose. 
c 



26 LETTERS TO 

Universalism) are still very unfashionable, to say 
the least ; so that, strangely enough, opinion 
punishes the sects much in proportion as they 
attempt to set reason above " faith," and that too 
in the most educated country in the world ! You 
need only read Theodore Parker's sermon, Some 
Account of my Ministry * to be convinced of the 
great social persecution he has had to undergo, 
for attempting to proceed a few steps further than 
common Unitarianism, though he still upholds his 
creed as Christian. His sect is still much smaller 
than that of Unitarians in general, because it is 
still more reasonable ; but (I use the expression 
with great respect) he dare not openly advocate 
pure Deism, or he would probably have no congre- 
gation at all. 

The Trinitarians then, and that abominable 
form of them the Oalvinistic, constitute the decided 
majority of Christians in the States. Thus the 
doctrine that " sins committed against an infinite 
Being deserve infinite punishment," is uppermost 
there — a doctrine which, as Mrs. Barbauld justly 
says, ' c no persons can have often in their thoughts 
and be cheerful. "t 

The celebrated Pinel said, " Nothing is more 
common in hospitals than madness, produced by 



* Theism, &c, &c. pp. 256-278. (Chapman, London. 
1853.) 

t Cox, p. 230-2. He rightly adds : ■" Such views intro- 
duce a standard of moral feeling, totally different from 
those ideas of praise or blame, upon which we do, and must 
act, in our commerce with our fellow -creatures." (p. 232.) 
It is by such ideas, that men have come to the belief that 
sins against God deserve greater human punishment than 
those committed against their fellow-creatures — a most 
monstrous doctrine. It were far better to be of no religion 
at all, than believe in such a creed. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 27 

too exalted devotion, or by religious terrors."* 
The truth of these remarks is fully borne out by 
the madness produced by Calvinism some years 
back, which appeared under the guise of the (i un- 
known tongues ;" and latterly in the " States" the 
journals assert that a species of frenzy, often ac- 
companied by suicide, has arisen from too vivid a 
belief in revealed religion, and supposed u spirit 
rappings," as if the old fallacious belief, taught 
by Christ himself, and which contributed much to 
the spread of Christianity, that the destruction of 
the world was at hand ! was reviving on the other 
side the Atlantic. 

I say, as it is impossible to separate the idea of 
" eternity of punishments, the existence of a 
devil, and that Jesus should before long come 
back in the clouds of Heaven," from the belief of 
Christianity itself, that the idea that this religion 
gives, and will always continue to give, to a great 
proportion of those who believe in it of a future 
state, is not, on the whole, conducive to human 
happiness. 

Theodore Parker, from whom the above quota- 
tion is taken, says, " I do not accept such belief 
on the authority of Jesus ; yet I am ready to he- 
lieve he taught itJ'\ If, then, Parker was obliged 
to believe (no doubt contrary to his own wish) that 
Christ taught the above doctrines, of course those 
who almost wholly put aside reason, when they 
take up scripture, cannot for a moment doubt that 
such is really scriptural doctrine ; and " a very 
comfortable creed," (as Lord Byron says,) this 
indeed for our missionaries to teach savages. The 
belief of a future state, as taught by the ancients, J 

* Cox, p. 418. 

t Op. Cit., p. 264. 

% I observe that Sir C. Lyell (2nd Visit to the United 



28 LETTERS TO 

has something far less repulsive about it than that; 
of our Orthodox Christian, as the reading of the 
6th book of Virgil's JEneid will show. Yet the 
species of "purgatory" therein described was a 
real and equally effectual punishment for sin ; and 
gives a far more favourable idea of the justice, 
as well as the mercy, of God. 

othly. — But, it may be asked, is not Theodore 
Parker s very liberal form of Unitarianism — re- 
jecting as he does the belief in miracles, eternity 
of punishments, and even the Divinity of Christ 
to a further extent (if I may so express myself) 
than Unitarians generally* — better than rejecting 
it in toto, and confessing at once to a belief in 
Deism only ? I think it is not ; and for the fol- 
lowing reasons. Because it is tending to keep up 
that hypocritical spirit in the States to which I 
have before alluded, as disposing to lead to actual 



States) says, speaking of "the absence of genuine religious 
liberty" there, in which Cox justly agrees with him (Sab- 
hath Laws, fyc, p. 394,) " that this can only be reformed 
by educating the millions and dispelling their ignorance, 
prejudices, and bigotry." This will be insufficient, as Sir 
C. should well know ; for America is now the best educated 
country in the world. No amelioration ever can take place 
on this subject, until the influence of Christianity is re- 
strained, and Deism put in the place it is entitled to, and 
in which it would be put, if the laws were properly carried 
out, or at least not made null by opinion. Cox has come 
very far nearer the mark, when he says, (p. 396,) u the 
fetters o/the clergy must be struck off" Now, of course 
they are bound to say they believe Christianity, whether 
they do or not ; and being some of the best educated 
people in the States, it is much by their influence that a 
belief in Christianity is kept up in the country. 

* " Christ is not without errors, not without the stain of 
his times, and, I presume, of course, not without si?is." 
(Parker on Deism, &c, &c. p. 264:.) This last expression 
is indeed a "clencher" for our pious Trinitarians. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 29 

dishonesty in the affairs of life ;* for it is pretty 
clear that, though Mr. Parker thinks it a fit, or 
perhaps necessary, sacrifice to public opinion to 
put a scripture text to the head of each of his 
Sermons, he puts little or no belief in the book 
from which such texts are taken, any further than 
as he conceives he finds in it better morality than 
in the writings of the heathen philosophers. " I 
reverence the Christian Church/' says he, " for 
the great good it has done for mankind. So the 
Mahomedan, for a far less good. I reverence the 
scriptures for every word of truth they teach." 
(Op. Cit., p. 264.) 

Now mark the words, " every word of truth 
they teach," and we shall be convinced he thinks 
they teach a great deal that is not true. Indeed 
he admits this by implication, and, to a certain 
extent, by open confession, as we have already 
seen. 



* A good illustration of this is seen at p. 64 of Mr. 
Parker's work. He says: "A man of property in Boston 
dishonestly failed, 1 ' and yet legally secured considerable 
property to himself, after having paid only sixpence or a 
shilling on the dollar ; one creditor only not giving him a 
discharge. Our bankrupt afterwards turned very religious, 
and when, in consequence, was applied to again by the creditor 
for payment, replied, " Business is business, and is for the 
week, 1 ' and " Religion for Sunday;" and "paid him not 
a cent." 

Truly, in the States, as with us, more religion is wanted 
behind the counter, and it should not be shut up six days 
in the week with our churches. 

Jesus told a rich man to sell all he had, to give to the 
poor. Now the consideration of this fact, as it is called in 
Christian history, will show equally as the above anecdote, 
what profound hypocrisy is at the bottom of all the so- 
called belief in Christianity. What rich man among our 
most pious professing Christians does this? Yet he will 
still presume to call himself a Christian ! 



30 LETTERS TO 

Now, under such circumstances, may we not 
reasonably ask, if Christ be wrong once or twice, 
why may he not also be wrong in that most im- 
portant doctrine of all that he teaches ; I mean a 
state of future rewards and punishments ? Mr. 
Parker's view, therefore, makes the authority of 
Plato quite as great, as a teacher of a future state 
of rewards and punishments, as that of Christ ; 
and as, on the whole, I find a much better view 
o$ justice in the "Laws" of Plato than in the 
Old or New Testament, I prefer setting these aside 
altogether, and at once stating that I think man- 
kind in general would be happier in following the 
same course ; since, either on Mr. Parkers view of 
Christianity* or mine, a future state of being is 
reduced only to & probability. 

So far we are equal; but I conceive I have an 
infinite advantage over him, because in adopting 
the Natural Keligion of Plato, I get free in toto 
of that latent spirit of persecution, which we have 
already seen, attaches always more or less to a 
belief in any form of Christianity. f In this re- 
spect, while I give Mr. Parker's system credit for 

* Another point on which I cannot exactly agree with 
Mr. Parker is in his estimate of human nature. I am 
afraid he thinks too highly of this. (See introduction, 
p. xxv., and p. 77.) 

t Philosophically considered, this makes Christianity the 
inveterate and incurably mad foe of justice ; and thus its 
advocacy even of charity becomes really pernicious, instead 
of being (as it is considered by superficial thinkers) its 
great merit. You need only look at the tendency many 
children, and also grown up persons, have to begin injustice, 
and when we consider that Christianity would have us be 
charitable to theae, its tendency actually to increase the 
amount of injustice in the world is clear. 

Perhaps the account of the Devil's entering u the herd 
of swine," by which means a man lost his property, may be 
justly cited as evidence that Christianity tends actually to 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 31 

less evil than any other view, I cannot exonerate 
it altogether, since his followers will always, no 
doubt, be comparatively few, and missionaries — 
whether Protestant or Catholic — who go among 
ignorant and barbarous savages, will ever, no 
doubt, continue to do as they have already done, 
viz.. to preach the scriptures as the inspired word 
of God. 

In reading Mr. Parker's Sermon on Practical 
Theism, (Op. Git., pp. 125-149,^ I find not one 
word about the superiority that his view of Chris- 
tianity possesses over this of mere Natural Reli- 
gion. I confess I am induced to regard such 
silence as a proof, or least a presumption, that Mr. 
Parker is, in reality, himself only a Theist ; and 
that, like his distinguished predecessors — Wash- 
ington and Jefferson — he thinks the scriptures 
should not be put aside altogether, as the belief in 
them by the multitude may be a public good. 
With great respect for Mr. Parker, it is because I 
cannot share in this opinion that I have written as 
I have done.* 

favour injustice and dishonesty. Particularly as no where 
does it exhort to justice, but only to charity. 

Again, unfortunately as Christians should return good 
for evil, they too often determine to be beforehand* and 
give evil unprovoked ! Our holy religion scarcely notices 
this gross injustice as sin. Before being injured, annoyance 
or injury is nothing ; 'tis after ! that we must turn meekly 
our cheek. 

* I observe at p. 281 of his work, that Mr. Parker con- 
siders the idea of a finite God as an injurious tenet ; and 
his reason for this is, that it has commonly caused priests 
to make the Devil a more powerful being. But if we be- 
lieve in the Devil only as a fable, then it seems rather advi- 
sable to believe in a finite God ; for, unless we do this, 
(and with Plato regard matter as a sort of Devil offering 
obstruction to a perfect creation,) we can scarcely make out 
by reason a truly benevolent deity — in fact, a Moral Power, 



32 LETTERS TO 

6thly. — Id reviewing the pros and cons in 
favour of Christianity, as useful to the world, the 
annoyance or inconvenience caused by the strict 
observance of the Sabbath is, perhaps, a matter of 
secondary consideration to many. But it must be 
remembered, that the absence of Sunday amuse- 
ments, and also of slight Sunday labour (see 
#0tebelow since added in reference to the labourer 
fined), falls hardest on the poor man, and that 
this hardship, so to call it, may be considered, as 
at all events, an indirect consequence of a belief 
in the scriptures,* since on account of the ambi- 

* But a most important objection to our puritanical ob- 
servance of this day is, as the Times lately said, (without 
censure of course), that " the debtor walks free on a 
Sunday, and on that day, no corn is carted, though it may 
possibly be very wet on the Monday." In accordance with 
this, I observe that an old labouring man is fined 12s. 6d. 
for mowing his own field on that day. (Observer, Sept., 1855J 

So under the cant of religion, even our government per- 
mits an actual injustice to creditors ; clearly imbued with 
the bad spirit of the religion adverted to lately in a note, 
that it prefers u charity" — (i. e., a perversion of real 
charity) to justice. If there was any really good religion as 
to our Sabbath law, why are spirits and beer allowed to be 
sold on a Sunday evening ? They no doubt, bring a revenue 
to government ; but of course, in many cases, cause 
drunkenness. And while all this is permitted, u by the 
21 of George III., it is enacted, that no house be open for 
entertainment or amusement, or publicly debating on any 
subject." (Cox, p. 334.) So that even quiet rational 
debate " De Officiis " — on the moral duties of life, — or 
on the nature of justice — is illegal in what we call our free 
and religious country ! More strictly " religious" than 
moral, no doubt. Ye glorious shades of the ancients, who 
spent your whole lives in the search after the honest and 
the just, and found even these too short for your enquiries, 
what must ye think of this separation of religion and 
morality ! Modern civilisation, indeed ! it consists only in 
our steam engines and railroads. I may conclude this 
note by adverting to another positive injury, that this puri- 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 33 

^guity in the meaning of these, Puritanical or Cal- 
vinistic Christians will probably always exist, and 
will attempt to show by scripture, that the puri- 
tanical observance of the Sabbath is the Christian's 
duty. 

When in 1681, Penn was made sovereign of the 
settlement in the United States, by Charles II, he 
required that the inhabitants should only acknow- 
ledge their belief in the existence of God, and 
fulfil all the duties of civil society, and that thev 
were left at liberty to join in public worship or 
not. (Voltaire's Phil. Diet., Art , Church. J 

It is singular, that in a colony belonging to a 
monarchy with an established church, perhaps 
more toleration in religion was then allowed by 
opinion, than at present under a Eepublic. 

Voltaire properly prefers such toleration to that 
allowed by Locke in his constitution for Carolina. 



tanical Christianity has inflicted on mankind, and conse- 
quently, I may also put this evil along with those which 
Christianity itself has inflicted, since while it exists, there 
will no doubt always exist some sects who will embrace 
such puritanical view of it. 

I allude to our refusing in Britain, equally as they do in 
the " States," to have medical examinations of the public 
women. Religion, as it is called, is at the bottom of 
this false delicacy with us no doubt ; for since even for- 
nication is such " deadly sin," and as the existence of 
siphilitic disease may tend in a degree to stop fornication, our 
government being founded on such views of religion, will 
not sanction the examination in question, as they do on the 
continent, where there is less prof ession of religion. I al- 
lude to this point chiefly, because the disease in question 
being more or less hereditary as all medical men know, the 
innocent are made by such false religion to suffer ior the 
guilty, (see Lancet, 1847.) 

Again — without pretending to justify Lord Nelson in toto, 
it is clear the country was unjust to his innocent daughter, 
chieflv in consequence of our Christianity, 
c 2 



34 LETTERS TO 

In this, (< no public religions, but such as were 
approved of by seven fathers of families, were to 
be permitted. " (Op. cit. idem,) 

Eeligious toleration, (if changed) has probably 
rather diminished, than increased in the United 
States since the time of Penn — since the theatres 
remain closed on Sundays in all the Protestant 
States. As this depends on a majority of votes, 
it seems strictly constitutional in this sense ; but 
in point of religious justice, it may be fairly con- 
sidered, that the Catholic part of the population — 
though of course in the minority — should have the 
power of keeping one theatre open for themselves, 
otherwise all religions are not equal in the United 
States. If it be said ; on this principle, Maho- 
medanism and its polygamy might be admitted as 
equal to Christianity; I reply no; because poly- 
gamy is contrary to the civil laiv of the country, 
and besides, this would be altering the idea of 
duty between the sexes. But merely giving a re- 
ligious community the power to pass the Sabbath 
according to their interpretation of scripture, 
when such interpretation does not alter the idea 
of duty or justice among the sexes, is altogether 
different, since theatrical representation does not 
infringe upon any of the practical duties of life 
between man and man, or man and woman. 

Besides, be it remembered, that the Protestants 
of Germany, (the country where Luther arose), 
have their theatres and public ball-rooms open on 
the Sabbath evenings, when divine service is over. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 35 



LETTER TIT. 

Citizens, — I shall now proceed to consider the 
good that Christianity, with the greatest show of 
reason, may be considered to have done in the 
world, and weigh this against the evil already 
spoken of. 

1st.— As despotism or a government nearly 
allied to it, must always be that of the vast ma- 
jority of mankind, does not Christianity exercise 
a salutary influence in checking the licentiousness 
of absolute power ? 

2ndly. — Has not Christianity tended to abolish 
animal and even human sacrifices ? and has it not, 
as Paley (Evidences, Chap, vii.) says — tended 
to diminish the horrors of war by increasing hu- 
manity to captives ? And has it in reality produced 
some other good effects he mentions ? 

3rdly — Is not the inculcation of the certainty 
of a future state of rewards and punishments, one 
good it has done ? 

In reference to the first point, it may be ob- 
served, that when we consider the atrocities of 
Nero, Caligula, and id genus omne, of Eoman 
Emperors, and compare such conduct with the 
course of life of the Emperors of Russia and 
Austria at the present day, the advantage on some 
points is so mach in favour of these latter, that at 
first sight, we are apt to say this difference can 
only be owing to the Christianity of our days. 



36 LETTERS TO 

Some years back, I took this view myself; but 
that it is not the correct one is shown when we 
reflect that the atrocities of our own " most Chris- 
tian" Henry VIII. rival those of the Eoman 
Emperors alluded to. At the present day, then, 
we have no more Henry VIII. s in England, nor 
even in Russia or Austria, on account, not of the 
Christianity of Europe, but because of the spirit 
of the age dependant on the progress the arts 
and sciences have inade — those real and true 
civilisers of mankind. That mere Christianity 
cannot civilise, is shown by the barbarism of the 
Abyssinians of the present day, who have long 
been Christians ; it is shown-also by the barbarism 
of the " Middle Ages," still more eminently 
Christian. Nobody doubts the Christianity of 
Calvin ; yet we find a follower of the lowly Jesus 
ordering Servetus to be burnt, because he differed 
from him merely in the interpretation of the 
' scriptures. In like manner, as in the Spanish In- 
quisition, we have evidence of atrocious murders 
committed by Catholics on Protestants : so even 
under the Protestant Elizabeth, we have similar, 
though less numerous instances, as the Rev. 
Sidney Smith (a Protestant) justly says,* of Pro- 
testants ordering the death, or expatriation and 
confiscation of the goods of Catholics. These, 
no doubt, are deaths and persecutions on account 
of differences in religious opinions; but as the 

* Letter on the Catholic question — quoted in Cox's 
work, from p. 462 to 467. The whole number of Catholics 
who have suffered death in England, for the exercise of 
their rzligion! since the reformation, he makes to be 319, 
204 of these being under the reign of Elizabeth, so that 
Lord Brougham in his Political Philosophy, p. 263, vol. Ill 
justly says, this is proof how little real progress in " con- 
stitutional liberty" was made even in her reign. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 37 

whole of the criminal jurisprudence of these ages 
still Christian, was equally despotic and severe,* 
it is a proof that it is not Christianity but the 
spirit of the age, that makes the despotic power of 
the Emperors of Russia and Austria at the present 
day, less formidable than was that of the Roman 
Emperors. 

Another cause for this, still quite independant of 
Christianity is, that in modern times, despotic 
power is restrained by the division of Europe into 
different States, some like France, Switzerland, and 
our own country, governed with a greater or less 
degree of liberty. The consequence is, .that 
public opinion emanating from these, influences or 
restrains any disposition to very gross acts of 
tyranny and injustice in the more purely despotic 
Empires. But, as Gibbon says — since Rome, under 
the Emperors comprised the whole of the known 
civilised world, the despotism of a Nero could 
receive no salutary check from the opinion of 
foreign and independent States. 

Lord Brougham (Political Philosophy .Vol. III., 
p. 104. London, 1846.) says, in reference to this 
point, (and mark he does not place Chris tianity 
among the causes) , " It is quite impossible that 
in any government, however despotically framed, 
the sciences, the arts, the learning, the moral and 
political knowledge of the people should increase, 
and with these their comforts, possessions, and 
enjoyments, without the wish being communicated 
to them of bettering their conditions politically. 
* * To imagine that if Turkey were completely 
civilised, and men possessed the wealth and the 
knowledgef that bless Western Europe even under 

* Torture and death were common for comparatively 
slight offences. 

t We find here he says " knowledge," and justly ; for 



38 LETTERS TO 

its most absolute monarchies, a Bashaw could be 
sent into any province to enrich himself by plunder 
and confiscation, securing impunity by suffering 
the common master to pillage him in turn, is 
wholly absurd. * * It is not going too far to 
affirm that the Sultan, it is certain that the 
Bashaw of Egypt, rules by himself and his officers 
very different from the Tamerlanes of a former age. 
Compare the mild reign of the present Prussian 
sovereign with that of his predecessors a century 
ago, and you will be satisfied that however little 
the form of that great military monarchy has 
changed, no prince royal could now be called forth 
to see his favourite strangled beneath his window 
for the gratification of a father's splenetic humour. 
No Baron Trenck could be immured in a dungeon 

I have always maintained, although their polygamy is 
an evil, that the main cause of the decline of the Turkish 
Empire, is in their not having favoured the progress of the 
sciences ; for now the art of war depends more on chemistry 
and mathematics than it did formerly. Religion has had 
nothing to do with it farther than that Christianity, in re- 
commending as it does, ignorance and self-abasement, has 
never teen followed by Protestant Christians, or even by 
Catholic Christians in France. Had Christianity been fol- 
lowed to the letter it would have kept mankind in a worse 
state than the Mahomedan religion has kept it. The Em- 
peror of Russia has encouraged the progress of the sciences, 
and well I remember meeting at Constantinople a professor 
sent out by him to explore and write about the unknown 
parts of Asia Minor. So that no doubt this gentleman re • 
turned home with more information about the country than 
the Turks themselves who lived there. u Ignorance is the 
mother of devotion," and though I don't think the Koran 
is more inimical to knowledge than our Scriptures are, still, 
in consequence of their ignorance, the Turks having had 
stronger faith in it, have followed their religion more to the 
letter, and, consequently, to their own disadvantage. The 
absolute Russian Emperor's religion, like our own, is fol- 
lowed only so far as interest or expediency dictates, though, 
of course, professed to be followed to the letter. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 39 

for twenty years because he found favour in the 
eyes of a princess. Eussia is as despotically go- 
verned as any European prince could now venture 
to rule his people ; yet there is no possibility of a 
Czar beheading his mutinous guards with his own 
hand, or of a prime minister being sent in the 
night to Siberia with his family, because a new 
cabinet had been called into office. 

" The first step in the general and inevitable 
change has been made in all these countries. The 
government generally remains the same, but the 
exercise of absolute power is tempered and re- 
strained by the improved spirit of the age, by the 
force of opinion abroad as well as at home, and 
above all, by the great improvement in the know- 
ledge, manners, and character of the people over 
whom those governments are established." 

I may observe that the father of Frederick the 
Great, who ordered the unjust execution alluded to, 
was so pious a Christian, that he obliged. a Unitarian 
to be imprisoned for his heresy ; * yet Nero him- 
self could hardly have behaved more brutally or 
unjustly than the Prussian king in ordering the 
execution in question. 

Further on in the same volume, Lord Brougham, 
after noticing the abominable murders (so to call 
them) committed by order of Henry VIII., viz^oi 
Bishop Fisher, Sir Thomas More, Dr. Barnes, 
Cromwell, and others, male and female — makes 
the following statements, which will fully bear us 
out in our argument, viz., that the atrocities com- 
mitted by some Christian kings, often in reality 
for causes quite independent of differences in reli- 
gious faith, have been quite as unjustifiable and 

* See Life and Times of Frederick the Great, in 4 vols 
edited by Thomas Campbell. (Shoberl, London.) 



40 LETTERS TO 

criminal,* as many of the acts of the worst of the 
Pagan emperors of Rome. Hence, whatever ame- 
lioration there is now, must not be ascribed, as is 
insidiously and falsely done by most writers^ Vj 
Christianity, that religion having existed in even 
stronger force then, than it does at present. 

" The king," says Brougham, (p. 255), " by 
proclamation, might make any opinion heretical, 
and might denounce death as the penalty of hold- 
ing it." And to increase this infamy, Cromwell 
and Barnes were " allowed no hearing ;" the im- 
imputed " treason and heresy " of the former only 
beginning to appear when Henry VIII. got tired 

* Under the tyranny of the Norman governors, u the 
Saxons in 1124, particularly, were despoiled of their pos- 
sessions, then butchered. Whoever had any property lost 
it by heavy taxes and unjust decrees." (Hallani's Middle 
Ages, Chap, viii., p. 31.). So " Peter the Cruel of Spain, 
(1350.) is said to have murdered his wife, most of his brothers 
and sisters, withEleonorGusman their mother, many Casti- 
lian nobles, and multitudes of the commonalty." (Hallam's 
Middle Ages, chap, iv., p. 277). So " Charlemagne, 
(a. d. 800), ordered 4000 Saxons to be beheaded in one 
day ; and (to recur to the bad effects of Christianity), pro- 
nounced pain of death against those who refused baptism, 
or who ate flesh during lent." (Do. p. 9.) A proof that 
force of the strongest kind was used at that time to convert 
to Christianity. We find too that the sovereign, u rather 
encouraged, and the clergy for the most part approved ," of 
that gross injustice, trial by combat. (Do. p. 134, note.) 

u During the time that a crusader bore the cross, he was 
free from suit for his debts, and the interest of them was 
entirely abolished. He could not be impleaded, except on 
criminal charges." Such was the spirit of legislation due to 
Christianity; not much restraining murder in these ages, and 
greatly (p. 24.) encouraging such injustice as would not for a 
moment have been tolerated by the good Pagan emperors, 
neither would dispensations from oaths ; and we find 
Edward I. seeking such from Clement V., who grants the 
king power not to observe his oath in reference to arbitrary 
taxation. (Chap, vii,, p. 411.) So also Henry III., chap. viii. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 41 

of Anne of Cleves, whom Cromwell had recom- 
mended him to marry. This word " heresy," so 
misused indeed, gave the hypocritical tyrant a 
show of reason on his side with the ignorant mul- 
titude, which might contribute to strengthen his 
power with them — the most numerous class, and 
which moral power, the Koman emperors neither 
got, nor tried to get on their side.* Accordingly 
we find this monster, quietly having his own way 
to the last, (above thirty years,) and dying a na- 
tural death ! while some of the worst of the Eoman 
emperors — as Caligula, Nero, Tiberius,f Domitian, 

* The Romans saw, after the murder of Caligula, how diffi- 
cult it was to produce that unanimity essential to a republic, 
and accordingly Claudius was almost forced against his 
will, to succeed as emperor. (Suetonius. Claudius.) The 
army, generally speaking, prefered the " Empire ;" they 
elected those they pleased, and if the new emperor became 
very bad, he was assassinated. Doubtless the army in this, 
had too much power ; but still it was a system of wild 
justice ; and being in some little degree elective kept up the 
idea of liberty, (and men are governed by words), which 
idea was supported by their assumed right, if he proved bad, 
of putting him aside by death. 

t This emperor reigned, indeed, twenty-three years. 
living seventy-eight years ; and was smothered by Macro. 
But even Taci«Vus says, that " he was amiable when a private 
man, and esteemed under the reign of Augustus. " (Annals 
vi. end.) It is also to be observed, that for many years, 
(at least nine), after he became emperor, he governed with 
great moderation, and assumed humility, refusing twice the 
title of emperor. One of the worst laws in his reign, (but 
acted on slightly towards the close of the reign of Augustus,) 
as far as the great majority of the people were concerned, 
was the system of " informing," whereby a person might be 
arrested for mere words of disrespect towards the emperor. 
But even in this case, Gibbon tells us (chap, xliv.) that, 
" when they committed suicide to escape capital punish- 
ment, their wills were valid, and their act was applauded." 

These reflections will account in a measure for so long a 
reign ; and without attempting to justify many of the acts 



42 LETTERS TO 

and Commodus, at least suffered a just death by the 
hands of their oppressed subjects. I maintain, 
therefore, that since these monsters were made to 
suffer for their crimes on earth, the Roman popu- 

of the latter part of this emperor's reign, it is obvious that 
his suspicion and hatred of mankind, began on the solid 
grounds of the poisoning of his worthy and innocent son, 
and was subsequently strengthened by the conspiracy of 
Sejanus (the man whom he had loaded with honours) 
against him. As he was sixty -six or sixty -seven when he 
went to live at Capri, it may also be asked, whether the 
accounts of his licentiousness there, were not a little (to say 
the least) exaggerated? 

It is worthy of observation, that Pliny the younger, and 
the moral Tacitus himself lived during the whole reign of 
Domitian, (fifteen years), we may almost say at court ; for 
Murphy observes, (p. viii.) both of them " rose to emi- 
nence" under him. It may, therefore be asked, whether 
the crimes, even of this man, have not rather been over- 
charged, or would it have been possible for a person like 
Tacitus especially, to suffer " his fortune to be advanced " 
(Murphy) by him? (See my remarks on the reign of 
Domitian. — Roman Emperors). On this subject we must never 
forget, that even under the worst emperors, there was no reli- 
gious despotism. Tacitus complains, in reference to " infor- 
mers," (book i., sec. 72), that " till the latter part of the reign 
of Augustus, men were arraigned for their actions, but 
their thoughts were free.'''' But these " informers" were not 
anything like so intolerable as " inquisitors ," and much more 
justifiable, since they arose from the natural tendency of all 
power to wish to keep so. The ancients then were free even 
from the milder inquisition by opinion of Protestantism. 
Besides, we have already seen, that the natural liberty of 
man in regard to suicide was respected ; and it is singular, 
that there was a mixture of quasi generosity, even with the 
very crimes of Tiberius and Nero, in this respect, for says 
Tacitus, (An. vi. — 29.) u those who waited incurred a for- 
feiture, and were deprived of sepulture, while to such as 
died by their own hand, funeral ceremonies were allowed, 
(in my late quotation from Gibbon, this favour is not named 
by him, yet it should have been), and wills were valid." 
Such," adds Tacitus, (in the spirit of an ancient Roman, 
applauding such liberty), " was the reward of despatch." 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 43 

lation was not as a whole so oppressed by them as 
our population was under the Christian Henry the 
VIII. This view again, is generally completely 
overlooked by our ex-parte Christian historians. 

In allusion to the Star Chamber under this mo- 
narch, Brougham justly observes ; — " Not only 
did the Plantagenets and Tudors commit to prison, 
or ransom for heavy fines, those against whom 
they conceived an ill will, thus signally violating 
the most remarkable provisions of the Great 
Charter ; but they exercised a like control over 
Members of Parliament who had offended them, 
and jurors who had given verdicts displeasing to 
them. A capital jurisdiction was never exercised 
by them, at least, directly ; but it really amounted 
to the same thine/, whether they sentenced ob- 
noxious men to death, or compelled timid jurors 
to find them guilty through dread of personal con- 
sequences." {Op. Cit., p. 258). 

No doubt, it amounted to the same thing. Even 
after the monster had reigned thirty years ! and 
separated from Rome, as he called it, five years, 
" his submissive parliament," enabled him to pass 
the " bloody act," in which it was stated, that 
" if any person once denied the real presence, 
though he afterwards confessed his error and re- 
canted, he was liable to be burnt."* {Op. Cit. 
p. 262.) 

I may observe, that bad as such " informing'' was, it still 
tended, as respects suicide, to keep up the Roman 
courage. u That act was never " (says Murphy) " punished 
by law, or opinion, among the Romans." Antoninus, how- 
ever, in the case of a convicted criminal, punished it by 
confiscation ; and if a man had been guilty of murder, &c, 
this was a wise andjust check on it. 

*. Voltaire's opinion of the Parliament of Henry VUL, 
and the king himself, is similar to that of Brougham. " He 
had his brother beheaded," says he, " for incest, when 



44 LETTERS TO 

The <c submissive parliament," in such a case, 
was, as already hinted at, an advantage to a bloody 
despot, which the Roman emperors had not, since 
it gave a certain degree of moral support to 
the greatest villany. Men are far better off un- 
der an absolute despotism, than under a hypocri- 
tical mixed monarchy, in which the parliament 
has in reality no power ; for in the former case, 
even the most ignorant know at once the origin of 
their ills, and can sooner or later find time or op- 
portunity to strike accordingly, as we find they 
did under some of the worst of the Roman empe- 
rors. Nay, as the impunity with which this English 
monster reigned, was probably much more owing to 
the influence of the Christian priesthood in the 
country, than to actual fear of his subjects to 
revolt, we have here an instance probably of the 
baneful effects of this religion on a despotism, 
rather than the contrary. It was the duty of the 
clergy, no doubt, to read as the direct command of 
God — ft Thou shalt do no murder/' and also 
(Romans xiii., c. 2.) fi be subject to the higher 
powers ; for the powers that be are ordained of 
God, * * and they that resist shall receive to them- 
selves damnation. " So that under such circum- 
stances, an ignorant population might actually 
have the desire to injure the crowned monster, 
taken away or diminished, even if it had the 
courage. 

'• The experience or the humanity of the last 
century/' says Professor F. W. Newman,* " has 

there was not the least proof of guilt." (Essai sur les 
Mceurs. Henry VIII.) 

* Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History, p. 79. — 
Taylor, Gower Street ; and Holyoake, Fleet Street, 1847. 
For my part, I will " contrast " Henry VIII. with any of 
the worst of the Pagan Roman emperors, and of the two, I 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 45 

led moralists and all educated persons, heartily to 
renounce the ancient and once current doctrine of 
Tyrannicide, and upon this has followed the 
adoption of milder measures towards unconstitu- 
tional statesmen. Men possessed of arbitrary 
2)0 wer are no longer driven to despair : and even 
the unprincipled become less dangerous." 

Although Professor Newman does not mention 
Christianity, yet it seems probable that this has, 
in the case in question, really had an influence ;_ 
for surely Tyrannicide is an ti- scriptural, and it has 
not been so common for only " one century," but 
for many, as it was under Paganism. But when 
reflecting on the conduct of Henry VIII., I cannot 
agree with the learned Professor, that the change 
in opinion on this matter is an advantage to the 
community.* Probably be is right in the Eoman 



think should have preferred their rule. Under such go- 
vernment, I should at least have avoided that most disgust- 
ing and annoying spectacle of every day occurrence, viz., the 
sight of people really or only hypocritically religious, and 
whose religion taught them that it was right to " obey a 
ruler," however great a villain he might be ! The Pagans, 
at least, were free from such insensate cant. " The dis- 
tinction of spiritual and temporal powers," says Gibbon, 
(Chap. xx.). " which had never been imposed on the free 
spirit of Greece and Rome, was introduced by the legal 
establishment of Christianity." According to the same his- 
torian, (Chap, xvi.) even the Jews, (even after their fre- 
quent rebellions), were probably still better off than they 
are now under our government, since under Antoninus 
Pius, they " could enjoy municipal honours, &c, &c.," 
whereas a Jew cannot sit in our parliament. 

* As since 1847, the Professor seems to have become 
less inclined to adopt even the Unitarian view of Chris- 
tianity, it is not impossible, that if the work quoted reap- 
pears in a second edition, he will modify this and many 
other opinions in it, which appears to me inseparable from 
even the Unitarian belief of Christianity. 



46 LETTERS TO 

and Greek tyrants having been driven " to (the 
ferocity of) despair* by it ; but still, as I apprehend, 
the crimes of Henry VIII., (though necessarily on 
a smaller scale as being in a smaller country), are 
fully equal to those of the worst of the Pagan 
Koman emperors, I think as the English people 
could not have suffered much more by such 
" despair " they would have been better off in 
not having regarded Tyrannicide in such a case, 
as a heinous sin. 

On this point then, again, I insist that Chris- 
tianity has, in reality, been actually disadvantageous 
to the world ; though I would by no means be 
understood as considering Tyrannicide justifiable, 
except in such extreme cases as those of a 
Henry VEIL, a Nero, or Caligula.* Nor even, 

* Another point that suggests itself is, the very short 
time, (as likewise Elagabalus after him), that this emperor 
was allowed to pursue his enormities, viz., only four years, 
being killed at the age of twenty-nine ; and even the first 
years of this short reign were passed in doing good, 
viz., suppressing " informers," and by repealing some of 
the unjust convictions produced by the suspicion that poi- 
soned the mind of Tiberius in his latter years. Again — 
though Nero, at the age of thirty -three, was forced to 
suicide, and reigned (like Domitian) 14 or 15 years, yet 
all agree that the first years of both these emperors also, 
were passed in doing good to the empire. It was the same 
with Commodus, who only reigned fourteen years before he 
was killed, and probably would not have been tolerated so 
long, had he not been the son of Marcus Aurelius, for his 
unprovoked cruelty was abominable. I assert then, that the 
reign of all the really bad Roman emperors was, comparatively 
speaking, short ; and even the one (Tiberius), who reigned 
like our Henry VIII. , above thirty years, did not, like him, 
die quietly in bed. To be sure, now and then, some of the 
good emperors (as Pertinax and Aurelian) were assassi- 
nated ; but not more frequently than happens in Christian times 
and the long reigns of Augustus, the Antonines, Trajan, 
Adrian, Septimius Severus, and Diocletian, show, that the 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 47 

indeed, with such characters as these, if the go- 
vernment be sufficiently strong to punish them hy 
exile, as the French government proved itself to be 
in the case of Charles X. and Louis Philippe, and 
subsequently (in reference to the people) under 
Napoleon III., in the case of the exiles to Cayenne. 
Professor Newman's opinion, then, and my own, 
on this head, may not be different, supposing by 
" milder measures/' he means exile ; but not so, 
if he would advocate the Christian system taken 
literally, viz., unconditional submission as a duty. 
It is fair, however, to state in reference to this 
point, that as some degree of good seems inevitably 
mixed with the bad in all sublunary things — in all 
schemes of government, and in all religions — so it 
must be admitted, that the same Christian influ- 
ence which has diminished Tyrannicide, has also 
been far more beneficial in rendering it more diffi- 
cult for a despotic ruler to take away the life of an 
innocent man, than it was formerly under the 
Pagan system. He must at present pursue the 
more round- about plan, and often be obliged to 
diminish the number of his victims. I do not, 
however, apprehend, that this good can be put in 
competition with the evil produced by the very 
same influence, viz., the prohibition of Tyrannicide, 
under any circumstance whatever, and also of 
Infanticide, where infants are born even in a state 
of deformity. On the whole, I must decidedly 
place the greater respect to preserving human life 
among the evil effects of Christianity. 

Turning now to the question, whether Chris- 
tianity has not effected good by abolishing animal 

assassination of the good was perhaps even still less com- 
mon than under Christianity. Had Charles I. and Louis 
XVI., been less humane, they would probably not have 
been killed. 



48 LETTERS TO 

and even human sacrifice, I am inclined to reply 
in the affirmative, considering the world generally, 
and not the Roman empire in particular. Paley,* 
on this point, merely says : — "It has suppressed the 
combats of gladiators, and the impurities of reli- 
gious rites." He does not advert in any other 
words to the abominable human sacrifices that pre- 
vailed, more or less, all over the world before its 
introduction. At Carthage, among the Druids, the 
Hindoos, &c, the introduction of such a religious 
system as prohibited these sacrifices was obviously 
a benefit, and though Mahomedanism did the same, 
it was after Christianity, and perhaps borrowed 
from it. But unfortunately Spain in introducing 
Christianity into the new world, proceeded by a 
system of butchery which was as bad, or worse, 
than the human sacrifices the new religion put down. 
In admitting the utility of Christianity as a 
general principle on this point, I have excluded, 
as just stated, all reference to the Eoman Empire ; 
and as the object of this Essay was more especi- 
ally to compare Pagan with Christian civilization, 
this is equivalent to admitting that the introduc- 
tion of Christianity in the Eoman Empire did, in 
reality, little good on this point, and for the 
simple reason, that the Romans scarcely ever re- 
sorted to such barbarities, and even when they did, 
prisoners of war (who would otherwise have been 
put to death) were used. As, however, when a 

* (Supposed Effects of Christianity. — Chap, vii.) As 
gladiators, generally speaking, were criminals condemned 
to death, some of them probably preferred to perish 
during the excitement of fighting rather than await a passive 
execution. This system likewise afforded amusement to the 
people, and perhaps tended to keep up the courage, more 
essential at that period before the use of fire arms. I am 
not inclined, therefore, to consider that Christianity was of 
service to the world in putting down this custom. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 49 

somewhat superstitious Emperor, as Aurelian for 
instance, came to the throne, human sacrifices 
might be ordered on a severe occasion, Christianity- 
has the merit of having attacked the very idea, 
as unjust or injurious. However, Aurelian only- 
ordered "some prisoners of war" to be sacrificed. 
(See my Remarks on Roman History?) 

Although I am inclined to agree with Paley, 
that Christianity has had a beneficial influence in 
tending to humanize war ; yet even this has been 
over-rated ; for a change in the spirit of the age 
has been very influential, and also for some time, 
the fact mentioned by Hallam, viz., the existence 
of " companies of adventure, who, in expectation 
of enriching themselves by the ransom of prisoners, 
were anxious to save their lives." He adds : 
" Much of the humanity of modern warfare w r as 
originally due to this motive."* Thus he informs 
us that, in the battle of Zagonara (1423), and 
Mohnilla (1467,) not half a dozen! lives were 
lost. 

This statement of facts will enable us to judge 
of the value of Paley's off-hand assertion on this 
point, viz., " that it has mitigated the treatment 
of captives ;"f and " ex ano, disce ommes* 'in re- 
ference also to — "It has abolished polygamy." 
Now polygamy did not exist under the Koman 

* Middle Ages. Chapter III. p. 246. 

f Paley, towards the end of Chapter VII., "Finally, 
&c, &c," introduces u perhaps, 1 ' in reference to its having 
u mitigated the conduct of war." His assertion, shortly 
afterwards, that "it hath ceased to excite wars," is not 
true, as the late religious wars between Catholics and Pro- 
testants in Switzerland prove. He had better not have 
alluded to this subject, as the less frequency of such wars 
now depends on " faith having evaporated," as Valerj 
says. 

D 



50 LETTERS TO 

government, either before the introduction of 
Christianity, more than after; and Luther himself 
seemed inclined to sanction it as not inconsistent 
with the Christian faith. Here, then, as well as 
in the above case, other causes have assisted more 
or less in the present system of monogamy. 

But some of Paley's assertions are altogether 
false ; such as his quotation from Clarke, stating 
that " Christianity has produced a greater regard 
to moral obligations/' He had previously himself 
said, " It begets a general probity in the transac- 
tion of business ;" altogether forgetting "Boman 
faith," before its introduction. I have already 
said enough to show that it has produced, by 
its hypocrisy, exactly the contrary effect. 

He puts down, "The influence of Christianity 
is not to be sought in the conduct of governments 
towards their subjects * * * but in the silent 
course of private and domestic life." Certainly, 
it from the beginning always seemed to " support 
the powers that be," even under Nero ; but it was 
secretly trying to upset them. But the truth is, 
it has vastly influenced " the conduct of govern- 
ments ;" for, when Constantine was converted, we 
find great changes in all the Boman laws, and 
often less value put on probity and good faith. 

Again : " Christianity is charged with many 
consequences for which it is not responsible. I 
believe that religious motives have had no more to 
do in the formation of nine-tenths of the intole- 
rant and persecuting laws, which in different coun- 
tries have been established on the subject of reli- 
gion, than they have had to do in England with 
the making of the game-laws." He then proceeds 
to say, that " Christianity did not plant " the 
principle which is at the bottom of all persecu- 



THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE. 51 

tion, viz., that "they who are in possession of 
power do what they can to keep it."* 

No — but Christianity has increased and strength- 
ened, though it has not planted, the intolerant 
principle. I no more deny than Paley that some 
little of this principle does good (just as does that 
of anger or pride) ; but what I contend for is that, 
in regard to these two principles of human 
nature, the business of the philosopher is to ap- 
prove of a system that tends to diminish rather 
than increase them. He, therefore, cannot approve 
of Christianity on this point. 

But, though agreeing with Paley, that some 
degree of intolerance "is not universally wrong," 
still I must continue to censure the degree of per- 
plexity which he still further on infuses into this 
subject, in order to try and make out that there is 
no intolerant spirit in the Christian creed. He 
continues: "Believing certain articles of faith to 
be highly conducive, or perhaps essential, to salva- 
tion, they thought themselves bound to bring all 
they could, by every means, into them. * * * 
Had there been in the New Testament precepts 
authorizing coercion in the propagation of the 
religion, and the use of violence towards unbe- 
lievers, this distinction could not have been taken, 
nor this defence made." 

Now the Catholics, or any others that helieve 

* This mode of expression is very objectionable in refe- 
rence to the intolerant principle, for it would tend to make 
out, that all persons, or at least parties, are equally intole- 
rant, which is certainly not the case. Evm when in power, 
some certainly are far more disposed than others to princi- 
ples of justice and toleration* But such way of putting the 
case shows an ex-parte lawyer, rather than an impartial 
philosopher. It seems written with the intention to intro- 
duce perplexity into the argument, and to draw from such 
perplexity, advantage to his side of the question. 



52 LETTERS TO 

the scriptures, must believe that " certain articles 
of faith are essential to salvation ;" and this 
underhand attempt of Paley to say they do not 
find such doctrine there, is unworthy of him. 
Moreover, Christians are " bound to bring all they 
could" into them, for they are commanded to 
preach the gospel to the Heathen, and directly or 
indirectly made to believe that they themselves will 
benefit hereafter, by every such conversion they 
make. I do not say scripture exhorts them to do 
this (i by every means," by " the use of violence ;" 
yet it most decidedly advocates mental, though 
not bodily, coercion on this point. But this Paley 
says nothing about. It suits his side of the argu- 
ment to forget that ideas govern the material world, 
and that when the strongest of all motives, viz., 
eternal happiness hereafter, is inseparably attached 
to such ideas, these must sooner or later, some- 
where or somehow, enforce " the use of violence-" 
Indeed, the Spanish Inquisition was not only 
logical, lat sincerely and piously Christian, in 
attempting to enforce belief by " the use of vio- 
lence," even though this should not be found in 
direct term,s in the scriptures ; for as God, in 
these, commands all to believe or to " perish 
hereafter," it is the duty of man as His creature 
to believe; and consequently, if he does not, it 
seems that a Cliristian government, to be conse- 
quent 3 should punish him, at all events, by im- 
prisonment — perhaps even by torture — till he be- 
lieved. As to actually taking away his life, even 
this would seem to be as justifiable as it ever can 
be in a truly Cliristian government, even for the 
crimes of robbery or murder.* 

* As one of the chief peculiarities of Christianity is its 
greater regard for human life generally than Paganism, I 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 53 

Again — Paley remarking and justly, that poli- 
tical fanaticism, even under Paganism, produced 
an immense amount of intolerance that led to 
much injustice and bloodshed, says, this was not 
due to religious fanaticism, and adds, Ci if the 
malevolent passions are there, the world will never 
want occasions." 

This, too, is a fallacious argument. The ques- 
tion is still, whether Christianity has not added, 
" by the distinction of spiritual and temporal 
powers/' (Gibbon,) a new element of fanaticism,, 
and that, too, without diminishing the old one. 
As it has, it has vastly added to the amount of 
that pernicious element — intolerant fanaticism — 
"planted" in the mind to be diminished rather 
than increased, as the Eomans wisely observed 
when they allowed no such spiritual element in 
their institutions. Paley's argument, then, here 
again falls to the ground, though he finishes with 
the following passage of great beauty, the reason- 
ing in which is answered by the above reflections : 

" Hath Poland fallen by a Christian crusade ? 
Hath the overthrow in France, of civil order and 
security, been effected by the votaries of our reli- 
gion or the foes ? Amongst the awful lessons 
which the crimes and miseries of that country 
afford to mankind, this is one ; that in order to be 
a persecutor, it is not necessary to be a bigot ; 
that in rage and cruelty, in mischief and destruc- 
tion, fanaticism itself can be outdone by infidelity." 

conceive that no truly Christian government is authorized 
to use capital punishments, for any offence or crime what- 
ever. So called Christian governments have acted no doubt 
in this case from what tliey consider motives of actual neces- 
sity for the good of society. But, perhaps, the more perfect 
Christian should not even recognize this as an adequate 
reason, for " his kingdom is not of this world." 



54 LETTERS TO 

As the reader will find this assertion, that the 
French Kevolution, and the crimes that attended 
it, depended on a want of faith in Christianity, 
refuted I think fully in my next Letter, I shall 
only now state, that religious C( fanaticism was 
not outdone in this case by infidelity ;" because, 
though the atrocities committed seemed as great 
as in some of the religious wars, yet there is this 
essential distinction between them, viz., that they 
seemed necessary, in the opinion of those in power, 
for the very existence of the republic ; and. con- 
sequently, to the improvement which was at least 
attempted in the condition of the great mass of 
the people by this change of government ; whereas 
all the atrocities committed in the religious wars 
of Christians, have, of course, never had the 
praiseworthy motive of an attempt to benefit the 
temporal interests of the masses for their cause : 
no, it has, even in the best way of viewing it, been 
a desire to benefit their supposed eternal and 
spiritual interests. Now, as the possibility of 
this is mere matter of conjecture — however much 
to be wished — it is clear that there is less reason 
than eloquence in the passage of Paley last quoted. 

" Christianity," says Paley, "has greatly me- 
liorated the condition of the mass of every com- 
munity, by procuring for them a day of weekly 
rest." 

I have already said enough to show that the 
way in which the British and American govern- 
ments enforce the observance of this day, render 
it little advantage to the labouring classes, com- 
pared with what it is in Eoman Catholic, and even 
the Lutheran countries on the continent. Paley, 
himself, ought to have said this even as a Protes- 
tant ; on the contrary, his way of writing might 
almost induce an ignorant person to conceive that 



THE AMEEICAN PEOPLE. 55 

our government gave the populace wages on this 
day, in order to live without work. Compared 
with Paganism, it did no good in this respect, for 
Pagans had their fixed festas. 

Although Paley notices the certainty of a future 
state, among the benefits promised by Christianity, 
yet he does not state it so pointedly as might have 
been expected from him. 

For my own part, I should have placed this 
among its very greatest benefits, if, instead of re- 
wards for mere faith, it had promised with certainty 
rewards for virtuous deeds. And it is singular 
that this otherwise useful doctrine should be 
preached with such certainty in the New Testa- 
ment, when almost every other point, which might 
be useful, is left in so much ambiguity, that it 
loses its value as a divine command. This doctrine 
is vitiated, then, in another way, viz., by the pre- 
sumed merit of mere faith. 

When I reflect on this, I must prefer the future 
state proclaimed by Paganism, notwithstanding its 
defect of not having apparently been so certainly 
set forth as a means of rewarding virtue or punish- 
ing crime. Christianity, in this case, errs, by 
making that virtue, which is not so ; and the 
same in regard to vice. 

I have already been obliged to remark on the 
great disadvantage the ambiguity in the meaning 
of the scriptures has occasioned to the world. 
This has, in a great measure, been the cause of 
the enormous amount of slaughter between Chris- 
tian sects. And, in closing these remarks on 
Paley, I feel myself called on again to state ano- 
ther evil occasioned by this ambiguity ; I allude 
to the opposite opinions whether Christianity 
forbids war altogether, only in some degree, or 
not at all. 



56 LETTERS TO 

Paley, finding that Jesus Christ dismisses the 
Roman Centurion without censuring his profession 
as a soldier, embraces the opinion commonly held 
by Christians on this point, viz., that Christianity 
does not forbid war. 

For my own part, I think he might, with the 
Quakers, more reasonably have embraced the 
opposite view. At all events, had he placed the 
denunciation of all but defensive war among the 
doctrines of Christianity, he would have added a 
point in its favour, greater perhaps than any of 
those he has mentioned in such an off-hand way, 
as though clearly preached by it, when in reality 
they admit of as much, or even more, doubt than 
this in regard to war. 

Perhaps Paley, however, justly omitted it ; for 
he could not but observe, that had he taken the 
literal interpretation of scripture (as a mere theo- 
logical writer is bound to do) he would find on 
this point, equally as I have said in regard to a 
future state, a radical defect, viz., that it would 
not even allow mere defensive war. Surely no 
one can doubt that this is a fair inference, when a 
man struck on one cheek is commanded to turn 
the other also. 

I shall terminate this third Letter by some re- 
marks on a writer who has written after Paley, 
and "illustrated" him. 

Lord Brougham's Chapter on Religious Estab- 
lishments* comprises only about nine pages. In 
it we find the heads " Established Religion In- 
compatible with Democracy/' and that " Estab- 
lished Religion secures Instruction. " In reference 
to this last point, I may observe, that no doubt it 
does, but not always that kind of instruction which 

* Political Philosophy, vol. iii., p. 125. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 57 

is most desirable for the good of the community, 
as I shall presently show more in detail. 

I shall now proceed to make some extracts 
which will give an idea of his opinions on this 
most important subject, annexing thereto my own 
humble comments. 

1. — " Experience proves that religion is a sub- 
ject on which the bulk of men feel, and do not 
reason."* (128.) We have found, and shall find 
further on, proofs enough of the truth of this 
maxim ; and I am sorry to add in Lord Brougham's 
own case. It is perhaps in consequence of a belief 
in this melancholy truth, that Lord B. has always 
laid aside his reason, for the time, when he has 
ventured to speak on the subject of religion. 

2. — None of Brougham's three objections to a 
church establishment (and which, be it observed, 
he himself refutes)f will apply to Deism, consi- 
dered as the religion of the state. It is to be observed 
that he does not place among the objections the 
Dissenter having to contribute to a church estab- 
lishment in which he has no faith, because this 
may be supposed applicable to a purely voluntary 
system ; " for the dissenters," says he, " pay if 
they choose, and the persons who do pay, (sup- 
posing there is no establishment) pay by so much 
the more than those who do not?' (p. 129.) 

3. — "In several of the American Commonwealths 
every one was obliged to pay his tax to the state, 
which gave it over to the minister of whose sect the 

* And the worst feature in our " Protestantism" is, that 
it has pretended to use full reason on the subject, yet has 
only gone half way, and hence increased the amount of 
cant and self-importance with us, and in reality contributed 
little to the freedom of the mind. 

t I say " refutes," because, as lie puts the case, he does 
refute them, but not so in reality. It is all sophistry. 
D % 



58 LETTERS TO 

contributor was a member." This Brougham* con- 
siders the only state religion possible in a Demo- 
cracy. But as it compels every man to choose a 
sect, it might, says he, be objected to by advocates 
of a pure Democracy. 

Brougham finds the same injustice in the per- 
fectly voluntary principle (No. 2) that has been 
attributed to church establishments, viz., that 
i( whoever wishes to save his money, will be able 
to benefit by the churches which his more liberal 
neighbour supports" (p. 130.) 

But as I do not approve of a perfectly volun- 
tary system, neither this objection nor the one 
mentioned in the last page (2) will apply to that 
still voluntary system (so to call it) in which a 
man is only obliged to pay to the form of religion 
in which lie believes, or if he confess himself an 
Atheist, let him pay to the professors of morality in 
the university, whose teachings benefit him as well 
as the community at large. Brougham, finding that 
the voluntary system (No. 3) cannot be attacked on 
the same grounds, has, in his feeble defence of 
church establishments, quite left this out of his 
argument ! 

One would think on reading this section, that 
there could be no other form of Christianity than 
Trinitarian Protestantism, and, of course, no other 
religion than Christianity itself. Deism, or at 
least Unitarianism, (which yet is probably the 
religion of Lord Brougham, as it always has been 
of the leading thinkers in all ages,) is not even 
alluded to. Now, I maintain that his argument 
would have been much stronger had he said a 
rational religion should be the religion of the 
state, for then, as every person must, or ought to 

* Political Philosophy, vol. iii., p. 127. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 59 

believe in it, he will be only paying to a religion 
in which he has, or ought to have, faith. Every 
man — even an Atheist — must, in a certain sense, 
be a Deist, for he must acknowledge the existence 
of a Power he cannot wholly comprehend, or else 
he is mad. But when Christianity, and above all, 
Trinitarianism, is made the state religion, and we 
are required to believe in this, and also that the 
morality Christianity teaches is always more just 
and pure than that of natural religion, and to 
pay for such church establishment because it con- 
fers an advantage on us, the case is perfectly 
altered. The doctrine of the most heinous sins 
being expiated by repentance, and that uncon- 
ditional submission is virtue, are tenets which tend 
to increase the mass of crime in the world, as Lord 
Brougham would no doubt admit, did his position 
as a peer allow him to do so. His words, then, 
" religious instruction, and the moral instruction 
that always accompanies it," (p. 129,) are a mere 
specimen of the cant in matters of religion that per- 
vades his class, and which even he — bold thinker 
as he is in political matters — is not bold enough 
to oppose. It is the same with Cobden and others 
— all fear to attack the Christian religion more than 
other grievances^ for this is the foundation one. 

We must, however, mark with care his conclud- 
ing passage on this subject. " In the deductions 
which we have stated * * we have made no allow- 
ance for the ultimate effects of education, In no 
respect are these more fit to be considered than in 
their connection with religion, * * But this forms 
a separate subject, and as yet we have been through- 
out considering the state of society as we at pre- 
sent find it" (p. 134.) 

This extract will prepare us for the following, 
which is perhaps the most truly eloquent passage 



60 LETTERS TO 

in the volume. It is at the close of this that his 
real views seem almost unconsciously forced out 
by the momentary fervour of his soul.* 

Looking forward, like Condorcet, to the future, 
when "popular education" shall have done its 
utmost, he says, it is pleasing to anticipate that 
period, in which f c graceless zealots should con- 
tend no more for useless forms of faith, nor 
political fanatics for forms of government ; when 
devotion to the Creator should cease to be testified 
by clischarity towards His creatures, and wretched 
abstract dogmas to obstruct the progress of all the 

* A truly Ciceronian passage, which should be read from 
the beginning. I am glad also to be able to agree with 
Lord Brougham in the following, where he calls bribery 
a the pest of corruption, which now threatens our national 
morals, as well as the purity of our parliamentary system, 
and the existence of our free constitution ; nay, which 
makes many good men, in balancing the advantages of a 
free and an absolute government, hesitate which to prefer, 
while they find that a popular constitution can only oe pur- 
chased by the ruin of all morals." (Vol. III., p. 318.) 
These remarks were written in 1846 ; and our recent elec- 
tions show that we are just as bad in respect to bribery 
now, viz., in 1854. Writers may talk as they please of the 
dishonesty pervading the United States ; it cannot well be 
worse than among ourselves, including all ranks, classes, 
and sexes ; there being of course many honourable excep- 
tions in both countries. And yet with all this, the American 
population and ourselves are ostensibly the most demure 
and pious Christians in the world ! This consideration 
should have induced Lord Brougham to make some free 
remarks on the connexion of the Christian religion with 
morality, instead of writing down, as we have seen he has 
done, " The established religion secures instruction !" I 
apprehend he could have found (strange to say) very little 
in it which tended to forbid cheating (or bribery) or false- 
hood of any kind. Charity and chastity and faith, are no 
doubt eulogised; but justice — the u queen of virtues " — 
is forgotten ! Surely, after this, no candid man will say 
reform is not wanted in religion. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE^ 61 

light that most improves, refines, and exalts our 
species." (p. 170.) 

Now, I will put it to any impartial person, 
whether the passages which I have purposely- 
marked in italics, do not lead to the belief that, 
in his sincere and reasonable moments, when un- 
oppressed by the conventionalisms around him, 
the noble Lord acknowledges only the sublime 
religion of the Deist ; and that he embraces the 
absurdity of the Trinity himself, and recommends 
it as a religion for the multitude, only so long as 
popular ignorance continues. 

Although, therefore, he has not said so, it 
appears he may be regarded as considering Chris- 
tianity a salutary " check" on our mixed govern- 
ment, under which great ignorance prevails among 
the masses, and great knowledge among isolated 
individuals. In this view he may be conscientious, 
but I think wrong ; but it is certain, that the state 
of public opinion on matters of religion in Britain, 
has made him far too concise, ambiguous, and I 
might add insincere, on this subject generally. 

But as education has been so widely diffused 
among the Americans, the remark just made will 
not apply to them ; and their leading men ought 
at once boldly to confess their true religious senti- 
ments to the masses of the people. 

In confirmation of what was said above, I ob- 
serve the following passage, which tends also to 
show what Lord Brougham's real opinions are on 
the subject. 

" The existence of a state church may therefore 
become much less indispensable when the people 
are so much improved (by education) as to remove 
those mischiefs and dangers, which we had occa- 
sion to contemplate." (p. 171.) He alludes to 
pages 125, &c. 



62 LETTERS TO 

But if a nation is to improve gradually in such 
matters, it is surely high time that our form of 
Christianity for the State should be Unitarian, 
and that Lord Brougham himself advocate this 
change (or reform) ; supposing him to hold the 
opinion that Deism is at present too metaphysical 
a religion for a people even perfectly educated. 

Our populace were spurred, in a great measure, 
to the revolution under Charles the First, and 
also to that of 1688, by a fear of the return of 
Popery (Brougham,* p. 277-291) ; it remains to 
be seen how they would receive a religion of 
reason in reality, for the present Protestantism is 
only so in appearance, and that only to the most 
superficial thinkers. 

I cannot close this Letter better than by a re- 
flection, drawn fairly I think from the preceding 
summary of Lord Brougham's printed opinions on 
Religious Establishments. It is this, viz., that 
with all our boasted freedom of the press in this 
a Protestant country, as compared with Catholic 
countries, we are still wrong in holding the opinion 
without admitting the exception of members of 
the House of Lords and of the Commons, and 
also the vast majority of the British nation. 

I say it with no disrespect to Lord Brougham, 
but it is clear from the guarded and almost ambi- 
guous way in which this writer ventures his very 
freest views on religion, that opinion has not 

* u Religious /wn/." So much for the blessing of Chris- 
tianity to Britain. It had a great share in our two revolu- 
tions, and in its practical operation as regards the people 
and their amusements, the conquered form of Christianity 
(viz., Catholicism) was the most rational and liberal. 
Witness also the wars between Catholics and Protestants 
in Switzerland, caused, however, partly by faults in the 
constitution. (Brougham, p. 402.) 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 63 

allowed him in this Protestant country to write as 
freely as Beccaria did in a Catholic country. To 
give only two or three examples. 

" 77 suicidio e un delitto die semhra non potere 
ammettere una pena propriamente detta" i.e., 
that suicide does not justly appear to admit of 
punishmeut. To showing this he devotes Sect. 
xxxv., Dei Delitti. 

Again — " Allora religione, dc , dc," i.e., " the 
Christian religion, by holding up to the criminal 
such an easy repentance, tends to diminish the 
power of human laws to punish crime." (Sect, 
xvi.) This is clearly his meaning. 

Again, in his preface — " Non tutto cio, dc," i.e., 
natural religion does not require all that revealed 
religion does. 

Again — he objects to the discretionary power of 
the sovereign to pardon crimes. {Idem., Sect, 
xx.) 

But, above all, to shovv the admirable frankness 
and honesty of the Catholic above the Protestant 
writer, I would refer to Sect, xxxvii. " Ma gli 
nomini, dc, dc," i.e., "but reasonable men will 
see that the place, the age, and the subject, do 
not permit me to speak plainly." He is speaking 
" against all attempts to use force on the mind in 
matters of religion, of which the sole effects, says 
he, are first dissimulation, then base avilement." 
These words were written so long ago, in " a des- 
potic and Catholic country," and apparently too 
without injury to Beccaria, (who, be it also re- 
membered, belonged like Brougham to the upper 
class,) even by opinion, as he died at Milan, and 
a statue has been placed to his honour on the 
staircase of the public Library there. They 
apply equally even now to the Christian oath re- 
quired by our House of Commons^ as the Jews 



64 LETTERS TO 

know too well. On the contrary, Lord Brougham, 
who could not have written as freely as the above, 
never hints a word about opinion not allowing him 
to speak out ! This again comes from our self- 
sufficiency and Protestant cant — this real mockery 
of real liberty ! 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 65 



LETTEE IV. 

Citizens, — If, in the heat of composition, I have 
let a few expressions drop that may appear wanting 
in courtesy, I beg you now not to take the same in 
bad part, since I am well aware that you drew your 
religion from the "Old Mother Country/' and 
that your separation from it was very shortly 
afterwards followed by the French [Revolution, in 
which some of the leaders openly denounced 
religion of every description. 

Now, it is natural for us all to respect the reli- 
gion of our parents, be it right or wrong ; and as 
it was the fashion of many writers, both here and 
in America, to attribute the unjustifiable scenes in 
France to the writings of the Deists and Atheists, 
who preceded the outbreak, (but as I shall show 
presently without foundation,) it was no wonder 
that during the Presidency of Washington and 
Adams, your more just and virtuous citizens, in- 
sisted on the recognition — at least by opinion — of 
some form or other of Christianity, as absolutely 
necessary to the foundation of your Republic. 

But I beg you to remember that, supposing this 
reasoning were just in 1794, it will not at all 
events be so to the same extent now. At that 
time there was a well grounded fear that the Re- 
public itself, even with this supposed assistance 
from Christianity, was impossible ; now it is esta- 
blished beyond any fear of its falling, at all events 



66 LETTERS TO 

from external foes. Consequently, now seems the 
time for the nation which has done so much to- 
wards establishing a system of political justice, to 
attempt a real advancement in the same direction 
in matters of religious liberty.* 

On this subject Cox justly says, that in some 
respects " our Sabbath sanctity " took its rise 
about sixty years ago, when the atrocities and 
follies of the French Eevolution, and especially 
the abolition for a time of the hebdomadal festival 
of Christians, gave an impulse in this country to 
unwonted strictness in the observance of religious 
ordinances. (Cox, p. 335.) 

Again — George Combe to the same effect, (p. 
338,) " People at that time thought that by such 
Puritanical conduct they tended to give greater 
security to property by preventing revolution ;" 
and, adds Combe, " one or probably two genera- 
tions must pass, before reason will again exert 
any salutary influence over religious opinion in 
Scotland." 

Bishop Watson also was prevented by this re- 
vulsion in public feeling from introducing " a 
Bill for Expunging the Athanasian Creed from 
our Liturgy," (Op. Cit.,^. 338;) and so it re- 
mains there unheeded still — an example of the 
slowness with which reason always marches in the 

* The misunderstanding between Thomas Paine and 
Washington was also to be deplored for the interests of 
rational Theism ; since the Americans naturally enough 
take the side of the latter, (as the great man who emanci- 
pated them,) and as he at least publicly (though not pri- 
vately) supported Christianity, this increases the disposition 
of Americans to do the same, and make them think this 
hypocrisy is really for the public good. Although pious 
Christians will, of course, dislike the style of Paine's Age 
of Reason, there is no doubt of its literary merit or its 
reason. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 67 

world. Cox furnishes three or four pages, show- 
ing the prevalence of the same feeling, until at 
last we find the Scotch Assembly actually wished 
to prevent the population "from wandering in the 
fields or frequenting scenes of recreation " on the 
Sabbath, (p. 341,) and that too so late as 1884! 
What would the rational Catholicism of France, 
and let me now add Piedmont, (at least in many 
practical points,) think of such twattle ? I 
consider, Protestants as we call ourselves, we are 
in very many respects behind Catholics like these. 

It is clear, then, that Britain, even at the pre- 
sent time, has scarcely got free from the effects on 
her religion of that nightmare — the first French 
Eevolution; and no doubt the same may be said 
of the United States. But, at all events, it is 
time they both should ; and the late immense asso- 
ciation (1855) in Hyde Park on a Sunday, to pro- 
test against all such barbarous cant, was a good 
omen, and an honour to the British public. 

I shall now proceed to show briefly the errone- 
ousness and short-sightedness of the view which 
attributes the revolution in question to the writings 
of Montesquieu, Eousseau, Diderot, Voltaire, and 
others. 

And, in the first place, I would ask, — if these 
writings induced men to act as well as to think, — 
how is it that the writings of Bolinbroke, Hume, 
Gibbon, Earl of Chatham,* George Combe, the 

* His Letter on Superstition, (already alluded to, p. 5,) 
and he too with his vast influence, as Prime Minister ! As 
I see no notice of this Letter in Lord Brougham's States- 
men, and as one of his last speeches contains thoughts at 
least rather favourable to Christianity than otherwise, it 
seems right to consider this Letter as private ; or written 
for posthumous publication. Would that all the Peers and 
Commons, who thought like him, did the same ! and then 
what volumes on volumes we should have ! 



<58 LETTERS TO 

author of the Vestiges, (and others, as Paine s in 
a more offensive style to orthodox Christians,) 
though in circulation to the extent of thousands 
of thousands of copies for very many years past, 
have not been sufficient to produce any change 
whatever in the laws affecting Christianity in this 
country, or hardly even in those usages w T hich 
depend on opinion only ? A revolution in reli- 
gion indeed ! — why they have not sufficed, even in 
those who are converts to the rational and just 
views of these writers ! to make the majority of 
such people, or even the minority, change the 
hypocritical system of considering music, draughts, 
or chess on the Sunday improper.* The common 
cry with such men (in private) is, our religion is 
no doubt not of divine origin, but what harm does 
it do ? Let us, therefore, follow it, and respect 
all the prejudices of the vulgar as regards the 
Sabbath. I will venture to say that this 
is still the reasoning, of at least ninety out 
of every hundred of confirmed unhelievers in 
Britain, such great penalties are attached socially 
to disbelief. As already observed, the same views 

Posthumous confessions are better than none at all ; and 
become a man's duty, when opinion forces us to live in 
such miserable hypocrisy. Volume of truth after volume 
would surely at last conquer even opinion ! 

" Gutta cavat lapidem, non vi, sed soepe cadendo." 

My chief motive for publishing this Work is to add a 
drop or mite, fully satisfied that thousands more will be 
wanting. 

* In the prospectus of the St. James's Club, opened 
about three years ago in St. James's Square, was printed : — 
No games (including the above) allowed on Sunday. On 
meeting one of the members some time after, I was sur- 
prised to find the house shut up, but not so surprised at 
the cause of it, which was, that the saintly manager who 
penned, or was concerned in penning, the above, was off 
with all the funds he could collect. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 69 

prevail in the States — upheld too by opinion 
only ! 

Now all this shows that the Anglo-Saxons are, 
as Parker says — in opposition to the Germans — 
a practical people. They have hitherto had an 
idea that Christianity does good, as the unbelievers 
Frederick the Great, Washington, and perhaps 
Jefferson had ; and, consequently, that it is for 
the public benefit, that such religion should be 
dominant. 

Even Voltaire, in comparing the Stoicism of 
the Ancients with primitive Christianity, speaks 
favourably of the latter ; and Rousseau does the 
same in his Emile. Voltaire's satire was aimed 
chiefly at the Catholics ; and Rousseau's eloquence 
directed rather against the truth than the utility 
of the creed. Accordingly, his apostle Robespierre 
was very tolerant to Christians, and all who pro- 
fessed religion of some sort, even when himself 
advocating the Deistic form of worship. The 
massacres which took place while he was in power 
and cast such a blot on his name, seem the off- 
spring of fear and suspicion, in consequence of 
the want of confidence in the strength of his own 
government. Certainly religion was scarcely at 
all concerned in them.* 

* Lewis's Life of Robespierre, (with my commentary 
M.S.) Robespierre's hatred was directed only against the 
Atheistic party — the party who bad, in 1793, so shamelessly 
set up the " Goddess of Reason " in the shape of a beau- 
tiful woman crowned with evergreens, and in apparent 
mockery of all religious service, as well also as of Reason 
itself, and consequently of themselves, made it a part of 
this religious service ! for the President publicly to embrace 
her. This blasphemy fortunately only lasted a few months ; 
and I must consider that D'Holbac, Diderot, and Meslier, 
whose writings probably led to it, would, as conscientious 
Atheists, have been as much disgusted at such an indirect 



70 LETTERS TO 

Thus much by way of showing that in France 
as in Britain, Christianity was not, even by its 
most determined opponents, regarded with aversion 
as doing actual harm ; for these men naturally 
enough, blinded by the force of opinion of the 
age, could not see it as Tacitus could in its true 
colours, when he called it a " pernicious super- 
stition." (Exitiabilis Supers titio.) (Ann., Book 
xv.) Suetonius too speaks of it in a similar spirit 
of reprobation, and calls it malefica, and seems 
by such term to think it merited either punish- 
ment or contempt. {Life of Nero, Sect. 16.) 
These writers had clearly scarcely heard of Christ, 
and as Tacitus* puts down the supposed miracles 
of Vespasian, he was the man to have inserted 
those of Jesus, had they bee?i known to the edu- 
cated. 

Our French neighbours, though less practical 
than ourselves, would never have been inclined to 
fight to put down a mere opinion, especially when 
their great literary champions, Voltaire and Kous- 
seau, told them such opinion did no harm. All 
in accordance with this, we find it was rather the 
large sums they had to pay such Christian priests 
than the Theology of these men, that most in- 

mockery of their system, as the Deists themselves were at 
such scoffing at all religion ; since they wrote in earnest, 
and were men of conviction, who at least saw nothing 
ridiculous in Deism. Thiers, justly therefore, considers it 
was a great change for the better when the inscription on 
the churches " To Eeason " was effaced, and that to " The 
Supreme Being " substituted. But Robespierre himself 
fell very soon after this change, (in July, 1794,) hated and 
plotted against, by this Atheistic party, to the last — a proof 
of the great intolerance in human nature, and that Chris- 
tianity does not cause it, though it vastly increases it. 

* He clearly believed in Divination, (Ann. vi., 22,) 
hence probably in Prophecy. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 71 

creased the discontent, as Mignet properly says in 
his History of this French Revolution. In con- 
sequence, ameliorations were made in this respect 
even before Louis XVI. was beheaded; and we 
also find before that event, that " a majority of 
the clergy, chiefly parish priests, joined the nation 
or the tiers etatV* It is true we find lower down 
in the same page, that " a minority of the clerical 
chamber chiefly bishops, and high beneficed 
clergy," refused to do so, and opposed the King, 
whom Paine calls " a man of a good heart/' when 
he attempted to promote ie fusion " between the 
higher, middle, and lower classes. This took 
place in 1789-90, and shows that the majority of 
the clergy were favourable to a free constitution ;f 
and that the part which opposed it, did so for the 
same reason that some of the nobles opposed it, 
and quite irrespective of the question of religion. 

As the bulk of the clergy, then, joined the tiers 
etat or the popular side, at the very beginning of 
the revolution, this must naturally have disposed 
the revolutionary leaders, if not to friendship, at 
all events to a sort of indifference or non-hostility 
to them. And, consequently, a desire to upset 
the Christian religion and to establish another in 
its place, cannot be numbered among the actual 
causes of the revolution. 

I have admitted that the more material question 
(to the populace always so) of the pay of the 
clergy, might have been so concerned. The other 
causes concerned were, like this, of a completely 

* Vales's Life of Paine. {Steps to the French Revolution.) 
p. 87. 

f " The clergy who had proved themselves the earliest 
and steadiest friends of freedom," (viz., by junction with 
the Tiers-Etat.) Sir A. Alison's History of Europe^ chap. 
xv.) 



72 LETTERS TO 

practical character, and still less connected with 
the philosophy of Eousseau or Voltaire. They 
were, 1 and 2, the great scarcity of bread, and 
the embarrassed state of the government finances ;* 
so that while the lower classes could not get food, 
the higher classes could not get money — the 
money owed to them by government. Add to 
these the Sovereign's power of sending parties to 
the bastile without trial, the fact that all classes 
considered themselves over- taxed, and that 
Lafayette with victorious troops had just arrived 
from a successful revolutionary war in America, 
and we shall have adequate causes for revolution, 
in any country, and still more so in the military 
and highly susceptible French nation. 

We flatter ourselves with the idea, that no revo- 
lution takes place in Britain, in consequence, as 

* " Within six months after the revolution broke out, 
the revenue bad fallen from £24,000,000 to £17,000,000 
a year, and that at the very time when the embarassment 
of the finances had been the principal cause of the convo- 
cation of the States -General. No resource could be found 
to meet the pressing difficulties of the Exchequer, hut the 
confiscation of the property of the church, and subsequently 
that of the emigrant nobles." (Sir A. Alison's History, 
chap, xv., p. 225.) This confirms what I have before said, 
viz., that the state of the finances (conjoined with famine 
and general political tyranny) was the cause of the out- 
break, and at this time the property of the clergy was only 
taken, ''because no other resource could be found" to 
meet the difficulty. 

M. Mounier, Lords Jeffrey and Brougham, though differ- 
ing on some minor points, may be said to agree as to the 
principal causes being those given in the text, and also to 
agree in considering the writings of Voltaire, Rousseau, 
and others, as little, if at all, concerned in the outbreak. 
Neither does Lord Brougham, in his notice of Robespierre, 
ascribe the subsequent murderous scenes of the revolution 
to the want of faith in Christianity of those in power. 
(Brougham's French Revolution and its Leaders, pp. 4, 7.) 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 73 

our journalists say, of the " great national respect 
for law/' and some add for religion. Now, all 
this is fallacy, as the unsuccessful Kennington 
Common Demonstration in 1848 sufficiently 
evinced. It is at once refuted by the immense 
extent of poverty in this country ; for it would 
be absurd to suppose that our labourers and 
mechanics would not better by revolution their too 
often truly miserable condition — if they thought 
they would he able. Here lies the secret of tran- 
quillity with us. It too is material. It is want 
of power. Our British mobs have never been 
able to succeed against our disciplined British 
military. 

Favourable circumstances make revolutions 
much oftener than abstract writers. If Lafayette 
and his soldiers had not returned victorious to 
France, it is not improbable, even with famine and 
debt staring them in the face, the French might 
have been quiet. But here were means to an end. 
And certainly Voltaire and Eousseau might have 
written with the same result to France, that our 
own philosophical writers, formerly named, have 
done to Britain, had not famine and debt arrived 
at the same time, and caused much more general 
discontent, than a false system of Theology. 

Southey was one who considered the toleration 
of such writings as those of the French philoso- 
phers led to the French revolution. But this is 
not true, said Lord Byron. " Every French 
writer of any freedom was persecuted. Voltaire 
and Eousseau were exiles ; Marmontel and Diderot 
were sent to the bastile. In the next place, the 
French Revolution was not occasioned by any 
writings whatever, but must have occurred had no 
such writers ever existed. The cause of it is ob- 
vious — the government exacted too much, and the 



74 LETTERS TO 

people could neither bear nor give more. Without 
this the Encyclopedists might have written their 
fingers off, without the slightest alteration. * * 
Acts, on the part of government, and not writings 
against them, have caused the past convulsions "* 

I have little doubt that neither the religious 
writings of Voltaire nor of Rousseau, were con- 
cerned in this outbreak, as is commonly asserted. 
Neither certainly were the political writings of 
Voltaire ; for, like myself, he seems to have advo- 
cated a strong government, and perfect equality 
of all religions only, and not of men. But as 
regards the political writings of Rousseau, I am 
not quite so certain. I think his doctrine of the 
" equality of men " may have tended to produce 
the outbreak, as I have admitted further on, Robes- 
pierre's very high admiration of these political 
writings tended to increase the amount of whole- 
sale murders and atrocities. But as this doctrine 
of equality had been advocated by Lycurgus, by 
Plato, by Sir T. More, {Utopia,) and to still fur- 
ther extent, and still more ably perhaps, by these 
men than by Rousseau, we must not put too much 
stress even on these political writings : and though 
we admit some influence to them, still this does 
not affect my argument, which is, that Rousseau 
and Voltaire's religious (or irreligious) writings 
were not the cause of it, in other words that it 
was not caused by a general disbelief in Chris- 
tianity. 

Having made it appear clear that the theological 
writings of the French philosophers did not cause 
the revolution, we may now enter more in detail 
into that second most important point of inquiry, 
viz., whether the suppression of Christianity after 

* Notes to the Vision of Judgment. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 75 

the revolution had fairly began, was the cause of 
the wholesale murders and atrocities committed. 

And, in the first place, that this was not the 
cause of Louis the XVI. being so unjustly put to 
death, (any more so than in the case of our own 
Charles I.,) is clear from the fact, that it was not 
till after this period that Christianity was sup- 
pressed in France. 

We come, then, at once to the constitution of 
1793. But, as Lord Brougham says, this was far 
more Democratic than the one of 1795, which 
succeeded it ; and both were far more so than the 
present constitution of the United States. {Poli- 
tical Philosophy, vol. iii., p. 105.) 

Now, if Legislators can be so absurd as to at- 
tempt to launch a people into the wildest Demo- 
cracy immediately after such people have only 
been used to a monarchy, does it not follow at once 
(setting all change of religion aside for the mo- 
ment) that such a people, especially those of 
so excitable a nature as the French, must at once 
launch into the wildest and most criminal ex- 
cesses ? Jefferson, and all the best writers, have 
held the opinion that people should be gradually 
accustomed to liberty. Yet in open defiance of 
this wise truth, the French in their revolution of 
1793, equally as in the last of 1848 ! attempted 
to rush at once from Monarchy to Bed Kepubli- 
canism, or Socialism ! The consequence has been 
they have as signally failed the last as the first 
time; the only difference is, that they have im- 
proved in humanity by the sad experience of '93.* 

* I feel that Christian opponents may, with an appear- 
ance of justice, ascribe this amelioration to the open pro- 
fession of Catholicism which was made by Lamartine and 
some of the other leaders of the Revolution of 1848. But 
still we must not forget the improved spirit of the age 



76 LETTERS TO 

The bloody murders, then, in this year were the 
consequence of a first clumsy experiment in new 
government, and the necessary consequence not 
of the absence of the Christian religion, but of 
the presence of actual anarchy. 

In order to consider this point fully, I shall 
refer again to the Political Philosophy \ (p. 116,) 
where we find it asserted that " the worst effect of 
popular government is, that the supreme power is 
placed in irresponsible hands. The people exer- 
cise their office, accountable to no earthly tribunal. 
Each individual, too, forms so inconsiderable a 
part in the body which decides in any instance, 
that he feels little or no responsibility to rest upon 
him even as regards his own conscience. As for 
public opinion, from the nature of the thing, it 
exists not, the people themselves being those 
whose sentiments are meant when public opinion 
is spoken of. * * The people can only dread 
having their conduct exposed, or made hateful or 
despicable in their own eyes, in a moment of calm 
reflection. This resembles rather the feeble check 
which conscience imposes upon a tyrant or a 

already alluded to, and also the history of the Republic 
of 1795, in which a great improvement took place as re- 
gards humanity, and which Republic lasted without any 
established religion at all for some years, till it was put 
down by actual force on the part of Buonaparte. And, 
after all, the amelioration in 1848 was not all that could 
be wished, for there were many brutal individual murders 
committed, and the mass of the Socialists who fought 
against the illustrious General Cavaignac, (a moderate, 
rational, and honest Republican,) were perhaps in reality 
little better than well disciplined robbers, (if they will excuse 
me the expression.) Instead of many murders at the 
Guillotine, in detail so to speak, in this revolution, there 
were many on a wholesale scale, which removes our horror 
at them in some respect, as we seem to contemplate two 
armies fighting against each other. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 77 

patrician oligarchy, than the restraining voice of 
public opinion* It would be exactly the same in 
its operation, with that shadowy restraint of con- 
science, were it not that men are prone to suspect 
and distrust each other, and that people will 
naturally enough look forward to the risk that 
some of their own body may reprobate the pro- 
ceeding in contemplation. But it is not only" that 
the holders of supreme power in a Democracy are 
placed beyond the reach of censure ; they are like- 
wise secure from all personal risk. * * Their 
excesses may prove in the result detrimental to 
themselves, but they can never be visited with 
vengeance by the victims of their wrong. The 
tyrant most fenced about with guards, is always 
in proportion to his supremacy subject to fear — 

* In p. 118 he applies all this to the " popular leader." 
" He is secure of the approval of his own side, and he 
looks not beyond it. For him, therefore, there exists no 
such tribunal as the public, and no public opinion can have 
any influence in controlling his proceedings ." 

I consider all this as somewhat inconsistent with what he 
says at p. 121, viz., that a Democracy is often unfavourable 
to "free discussion in points of their highest interest." In 
truth, all writers on America, as Brougham admits else- 
where, say and say justly, that the tyranny of opinion is 
the greatest defect of the Republican form of government. 
Jefferson himself calls it the "Lord of the Universe." 
The President of the States, far from being too little, is far 
too much, under the influence of this power ; by it, he is 
often degraded to yield to the most unjust and lowest pre* 
judices of the mob. The great Jefferson, though a Deist, 
could not make public profession beyond Unitarianism ; 
and no President could go further in free thought on this 
subject, even at the present day. However, this defect is 
not confined to a Republic ; it will exist also in any govern- 
ment that considers itself free. For instance, in England, 
the power of opinion is still greater (as the late " beard 
and moustache movement " shows) than in the States on 
such minor points as these, equally as on religious 
questions. 



78 



LETTERS TO 



his appointed punishment. Many an act is thus 
prevented, and many a pain is thus endured. * * 
" The sufferer who is oppressed by a tyrant or 
an oligarchy has the sympathy of the people. 
This is withheld from him who is the people's 
victim ; and this has always been felt as an aggra- 
vation of the wrongs which popular caprices in- 
flict. * * The cruelty of the Parisian multi- 
tude, during the reign of Terror, w^as raised to a 
pitch altogether unendurable by their savage 
exultation in the destruction of those patriots and 
sages who had devoted the best energies of their 
lives to the service of the people. 

-*■ * * * 

" No man dares breathe a whisper against the 
prevailing sentiments, (when one party in a Demo- 
cracy has been fully established.*) * * The 
agitators in the French Revolution were only safe 
if they adopted the most violent causes that were 
propounded. Eobespierre succeeded by going 
beyond all others, (Lord Brougham means in 
public executions,) in his public life/* (The in- 
ference from this passage, then, is that Eobespierre 
was goaded to such excesses by fear of the people.) 

* In allusion to this mob despotism, he asks in the next 
page, (121,) " Who in England will show the difficulty of 
carrying on the government without some nomination 
boroughs? No one has dared,— and why? Because 
the people, whose highest interests require full and deliberate 
discussion (on this point,) will not permit it to be so much 
as mentioned." This remark seems far more applicable to 
the question of reform in religion, both in England and 
America : yet with his usual caution on this topic, (as we 
shall see further on,) it is altogether overlooked by Lord 
Brougham. Even he, who alludes to " nomination 
boroughs," says, like the multitude in general, " let us 
leave the question of religion alone." I repeat, when we 
hear such expressions as these, we are right with Mr. 
Arthur Trevelyan to talk of the " insanity of mankind." 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 79 

Again, at p. 182 — " Nothing can be more certain 
than that the worst excesses of the French Kevo- 
lution were occasioned by the interference of the 
people with the proceedings of the Legislative 
Assembly first, and afterwards of the National 
Convention. Hardly a day passed without some 
popular commotion ; and it was the ordinary 
spectacle to see mobs enter the Hall, and demand 
the adoption of certain favourite measures. It 
was, I remember, usual to say in those days that 
the whole of the mischief arose from suffering the 
galleries to interfere with their plaudits or their 
hisses. * * The people, both in Paris and the 
great provincial towns, had only partially given 
over their power to the Assembly or the Conven- 
tion. * * They accordingly were distributed 
in societies or clubs : they had nightly meetings 
to discuss the proceedings taken by their deputies 
during the morning : they arrogated to themselves 
the right of approving or rejecting all that was 
done by the constituted authorities: and they 
knew their own power from the physical force in 
their hands, well enough to rest satisfied with 
nothing short of a direct control over those autho- 
rities." * * He proceeds to say, these clubs 
also communicated through the municipality with 
the rabble of the streets, and the control of the 
government was thus in their hands. " The 
reign of terror strengthened whatever constitution 
succeeded that of '93 : and the horror of mob- 
violence continued, not only throughout the 
directorial government to prevent all direct inter- 
ference of the people, but was the main proof of 
the consular and then of the imperial regimen,* 

* Brougham had previously, at p. 60, stated the same. 



80 LETTERS TO 

in both of which the people were deprived of all 
influence, direct or indirect."* (p. 184.) 

As neither in the above extracts, nor in any 
other part of his work, do I perceive that Lord 
Brougham even hints at the suppression of Chris- 
tianity, as one of the causes of the excesses in 
the French Eevolution, I presume I may place 
him by the side of Lord Byron and others w T ho 
do not consider that such excesses arose from any 
such cause. Indeed, although in my opinion 
Lord Brougham speaks in far too guarded and 
ambiguous a manner for an impartial man on the 
subject of religion generally, still it is remarkable 
that he does not even mention religion even as a 
" check " upon the Democratic form of govern- 
ment, although he has a long section showing, in 
such case, that " checks" are absolutely necessary ; 
and have properly been resorted to at present by 
the United States, with the same view that they 
were formerly by the turbulent Democracy of 
Athens, (pp. 99 to 167.) And, indeed, religion 
is no doubt with the masses a much more feeble 
" check " than actual law. 

It will result I think from a careful perusal of 
the part of Brougham's work just mentioned, that 
he would attribute the excesses in question to the 
absence of legal or political checks only. At 
p. 101 he tells us, that triennial elections "seem 
most desirable as a protection to representatives 
for their indep en dance ,\ and to the people for 

* I have sometimes abridged these quotations, where I 
could do so without altering the meaning. Lord Brougham 
and all who aim at occasional eloquence, necessarily say more 
than the exact sense requires. 

f These words of Brougham, which I have put in italics^ 
sufficiently show that Rousseau was nearly right (at all 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 81 

their power ;" and that annual elections, by 
making delegates " mere agents/' do not oppose 
a sufficiently strong " check" to Democracy. 
In noticing the Athenian constitution, he says, 

events) when he said the representative system, except 
under annual election, was, as regards actual liberty of the 
electors, a sort of sham or humbug. The precise words of 
Rousseau, indeed, are only during election. (Contrat Social, 
quoted by Brougham, p. 60.) Brougham, in reply to this, 
says, the people only temporarily lose some power, and not 
liberty. Brougham, in this remark, is endeavouring to 
alter the meaning that Rousseau attached to the word 
liberty. I believe Rousseau to be right in his assertion, at 
the same time that with Brougham, I believe that the 
people are much better off, and, considering the chances of 
anarchy, practically speaking more free, when such checks 
as he mentions are put upon their power or liberty, using 
these words in the same sense ; for it seems to me to be 
merely an attempt to humbug the people, by refining too 
much on words. Tell them at once, you may lose or you 
may not lose, (as the case turns out,) some liberty by the 
representative system, but you will be better for it. As 
Lord Brougham is very properly for giving the Suffrage to 
all who can read and write, and are not under criminal dis- 
ability, (Op. Cit., pp. 81-2,) I think his work would 
have had higher merit if he had been equally liberal in 
speaking truth more plainly on this subject, and also on 
matters of religion. But, unfortunately, under our pseudo- 
Protestant system, (itself the origin of all our cant,) the 
habit we are all more or less obliged to contract of speak- 
ing only half the truth in matters of religion, insinuates 
itself, as in our present author's case, into other subjects, 
and contributes to keep up the actor all through life. 

I am not to be understood by the above remarks as 
agreeing with all Rousseau's political opinions. In his 
Contrat Social he seems rather inconsistent with his Con- 
fessions, when, in his chapter De la Censure, he seems to 
approve of having a very strong public opinion in a coun- 
try. And though he seems right in considering that Theism 
or u religion civile™ as he calls it, is necessary to all good 
government, yet I would not banish those (as he would, 
p. 285) who did not believe even in this : still less have 
" those put to death (idem.) who, having sworn they be 
E 2 



82 LETTERS TO 

" no law inconsistent with an old one could be 
proposed without directly repealing the old one ; — 
an admirable rule for any Legislature/' (p. 103.) 
And, I may remark, one which we ourselves should 
do well to observe — we, who multiply laws ad i?i- 
Jinitum to the advantage of lawyers, and injury of 
the public. Although Lord Brougham censures 
the " check/' which allowed the Athenian to pro- 
secute the author of a law " found detrimental on 
trial," (p. 104,) still it may be a debatable point 
whether some very slight punishment (such as fine) 
should not be inflicted on the authors of some of 
our absurd laws, where the mere vanity of wishing 
to be known as a new member often prompts the 
illiterate man to propose a most unjust, as well as 
absurd, change. 

Turning to the " checks" in the United States, 
we find that the one House is only elected for 
two years, the other is elected for six, (and that 
both are paid ;) and that the President is allowed 
very great patronage and power. (104.) Further 
on (p. 837) the following law is stated, which, if 
not a check on the people, is, as Brougham says, 
a wise check on the Legislature. The Supreme 
Courts have the power to decide whether any pro- 
position that has passed both Houses, is constitu- 
tional or not ; and if considered not so, is pre- 
prevented by these judges from becoming a law. 

Brougham (at p. 105) enumerates in detail the 
"checks" on the French Constitution of 1793, 
without saying a word about the suppression of 
Christianity. Again — " That of ? 95 was less 
purely Democratic," (p. 105,) w T ith the same 

lieved it, acted as if they did not." This was the unnatural 
Theistic intolerance, that caused the Atheistic party to fear 
and hate Robespierre so much ; and is too Christian and 
tyrannical. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 83 

silence as to religion. In this we find that both 
Chambers were only elected for three j>ears, and 
the Directors (or Presidents) for five years, (p. 
105.) Hence, as in the United States, the Senate 
is elected for six years, this constitution of '95 
was still far more Democratic than that of America, 
which had the advantage too of an additional 
"check" against anarchy, viz , the having sepa- 
rated from a less despotic Monarchy than had 
existed in France. The Americans had thus been 
gradually accustomed to a certain degree of liberty. 
But the good influence even of this constitution 
of '95 (too Democratic as it still was; over that 
of '93, is shown by the wholesale murders and 
other excesses for the most part ceasing after it 
came into force.* If it be said that shortly after 
this, (viz., in 1795,) Christianity was allowed to 
make its appearance again, and this was the cause 
of the great diminution in the amount of judicial 

* Its faults are pointed out more in detail in Lord 
Brougham's work. (pp. 350-353.) I do not, however, 
observe that he passes a very decided opinion on the unity 
or divisibility (so to speak) of the Executive. He, how- 
ever, seems to prefer unity in this case ; and justly, for we 
find in 1797 that three of the Directors (the Executive 
consisted of five) combined against the other two, Carnot 
and Barthelemy, and by the aid of military force succeeded 
" in expelling and transporting" (p. 353) many members of 
the Council ; so that, having destroyed this party, they 
continued to govern the country for two years more by the 
constitution of '95. The advantage of unity in the Exe- 
cutive is shown by the present constitution of the United 
States ; and if calculated to pi event discord among Ame- 
ricans, was doubly necessary among such an excitable 
people as the French. The election of many Royalists 
was the chief cause of this outbreak : a cause which will 
always continue to render the establishment of a Republic 
in France next to impossible. Even America would pro- 
bably not have continued so stable, if she had at first been 
more than a Colony — a distant part of a Monarchy. 



84 LETTERS TO 

murders, I reply by admitting the fact that the 
people, in consequence of their petition to the new 
Convention, were permitted to frequent the Catho- 
lic churches, provided they consented to li main- 
tain them at their own expense/'* I must admit, 
therefore, that at this period there existed on the 
part of the government a spirit of indifference in 
matters of religion, (since we find they only yielded 
to the wishes of the Catholics on this point,) in 
which Christianity was tolerated as well as Robes- 
pierre's Deism, or Theophilanthropism. But I 
cannot attribute the increased humanity, as regards 
the bloody scenes in question, to the influence of 
Christianity, because this religion was not allowed 
to have any power over the others, or to become 
the national religion, until its final re-establish- 
ment to that position by Napoleon, after he became 
Emperor, It is quite clear, then, that the bene- 
ficial change in question, after '95, arose from the 
suppression of the spirit of anarchy among the 
masses, by a less Democratic form of government 
—in fact, by the direct influence of law, and not 
by the ever indirect and uncertain influence of 
religion. At the same time, I will admit that, 
possibly this less inimical view, with which Chris- 
tianity was regarded by the government, tended 
to make the Christian part of the population less 
disposed to change, or to run any chance of 
anarchy. Kobespierre wished to make Deism the 
State Religion ; his successors to raise Christianity 
at all events to a level with it. But as I do not 
attribute the murderous scenes during Robes- 
pierre's tenure of office to his religion, but his too 
great fear of the people, in consequence of the 
government being too Democratic; so neither do 

* Alison's French Revolution, p. 551. Again in chap. xix. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 85 

I attribute the diminution in these massacres in 
9 95 and the few following years* to any great in- 
fluence from Christianity, which was only just be 
ginning to show its head again. There are coinci- 
dences in the moral equally as in the physical 
world, which the mass of superficial thinkers are 
apt to mistake for connexions ; and such has been, 
and still is the case, I am sorry to say, on this 
subject, both in Britain and the United States. 
It is this fallacy, put forth with all the eloquence 
of truth, by such men as Burke, that has contri- 
buted to keep both these nations, as Hurlbut says 
of the latter, (and might have said still more truly 
of the former,) in such " an infant state of reli- 
gious freedom." 

To show the utter absurdity of the above opinion, 
it is only necessary to reflect how superior the 
government of the Roman Empire was under the 
Pagans, Augustus, Trajan, Adrian, the Anto- 
nines, &c, &c, to what it was under the Christian 
Constantine a?id some of his Christian successors. 
Or that of modern Prussia under the "infidel" 
Frederick the Great, to that of his Christian 
father. Now, as Christianity did not exist in 
these cases just instanced, of course the good 
government I allude to was not dependant on any 
supposed " humanising effect" of such religion. 

Lord Brougham in his Lives of Statesmen 
passes the warmest eulogy on the character of 

* No doubt the principle of re-action operated also. 
Even the most Democratic must have perceived that whole- 
sale murder had been carried much further than the stabi- 
lity of the Republic required, and that many illustrious, 
and at the same time harmless, men had been most unjustly 
sacrificed, by (to put the best construction on the case) a 
talse idea of utility. Accordingly, we find that in the out- 
break in 1797 Carnot and others were only banished or 
transported, and not guillotined. (See late Note.) 



86 LETTERS TO 

Oarnot, who was at the head of the French army 
during the time of Eobespierre ; and, as it seems 
certain that he opposed no active opposition to 
the "judicial murders " of this individual, I must 
here adduce this fact in favour of my argument, 
viz., that if not absolutely necessary, they seemed 
expedient, in that very critical conjuncture of 
affairs, and had nothing whatever to do with the 
suppression of Christianity. Carnot's defence, 
says Brougham, that " he remained in office with 
such detestable men as his colleagues ; that he 
even signed the orders of execution in his turn," 
&c, &c, is, " that he began to administer the war 
department, and had gained brilliant success, 
before his colleagues commenced their reign of 
terror. That had he followed his own inclinations 
and opposed this, the country was conquered, 
possibly portioned — far more blood spilt — far 
more lasting disgrace incurred by the nation — far 
more permanent disasters entailed upon all classes 
of the people — than all that the terrorist execu- 
tions and confiscations could produce. Was it 
not enough for him to know, that his retirement 
would certainly not have stayed the proscription, 
while it most probably would have opened the 
gates of Paris to the allies ?" (p. 365.) 

Such are some of the leading arguments made 
use of by Lord Brougham to justify the compara- 
tively speaking passive part that Carnot took in 
the so-called judicial proceedings of the reign of 
terror. And when we remember, that " two 
Spanish armies attacked the line of the Pyrenees, 
that another was advancing from Piedmont ; that 
La Vendee was in the hands of the rebels, with 
40,000 armed peasantry ; that Marseilles and 
Lyons had separated themselves from the re- 
publican government, and that an English fleet 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 87 

rode in the harbour of Toulon ; and nevertheless 
that, in less than a year and a half of Carnot' s mi- 
litary administration, twenty-seven victories had 
been gained; 80,000 of the enemy slain, and 
91,000 made prisoners, &c, &c." (Brougham, 
p. 369) we must feel inclined to argue that 
Carnot required every possible assistance from at 
least wholesale banishment — if not from wholesale 
slaughter by the guillotine — in order to diminish 
the number of internal royalist French foes, 
when so many external foreign ones threatened on 
all sides. 

This assertion is clearly true, since further on, 
(p. 371,) Lord Brougham says, "It is believed 
that at every period of the Kevolution. the great 
majority of the French people, except in the ca- 
pital were averse to republican principles ; and the 
elections of 1797, (the first under the new consti- 
tution,) returned a majority of royalists and mo- 
derate reformers." When Pichegru, a royalist was 
elected President of the Five Hundred, and Carnot 
knew that insurrection was plotting against him- 
self and the republican party generally, " he was 
still above/' says Brougham, " all acts that wore 
even the semblance of treachery, and became the 
sacrifice to his unchangeable integrity," (being 
banished as we have already observed.) 

When another revolution destroyed the directo- 
rial power, and placed Napoleon as First Consul, 
Carnot was recalled by him from exile and became 
war minister ; but " he resigned the office/' says 
Brougham, " when he perceived that Napoleon 
harboured projects hostile to liberty, having voted 
against the Consulship for life and the Imperial 
title." (p. 372.) All this shows the disinterestedness 
of the man, and is favourable to the view that the 



88 LETTERS TO 

present writer, following Brougham in this re- 
spect, takes of his indirect support of the reign of 
terror ; viz., he must have regarded it at the time 
as a sort of necessary evil. 

Sir Archibald Alison, in one of the most elo- 
quent passages of his History of Europe, (vol. ii., 
p 144.), supports Lord Brougham in the above 
view of Carnot's character, and concludes this 
eulogy on his " real greatness," by noticing the 
fact that should never be lost sight of in attempt- 
ing to form an impartial judgment of Robespierre, 
and all concerned in the government in 1793-4, 
viz., that France on this occasion, resisted success- 
fully a more formidable attack — especially when 
the immense opposition of the Vendee is re- 
membered, than Napoleon, with his <( veterans/' 
was able to do in 1815. " And this," says Alison, 
was due to the ability of the Committee of Public 
Safety, " and the despotic power wielded by 
the Convention." (Op. Git., p. 145 J " "Fear be- 
came the great engine for filling the ranks ; the 
bayonets of the allies appeared less formidable, 
than the guillotine of the Convention." (p. 144 ) 

Alison takes a fairer view of Robespierre's cha- 
racter, than a writer so opposed to him in religion 
and politics could perhaps, generally speaking, 
have been expected to take. " He and his party 
deemed the blood that was spilt essential to the 
success of freedom. * * In arriving at this 
conclusion, they were doubtless mainly influenced 
by the perils of their own situation ; they mas- 
sacred others, because they were conscious that 
death, if vanquished, justly awaited themselves; 
but still the weakness of humanity in their, as in 
many similar cases, deluded them by the magic of 
words, or the supposed influence of power motives, 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 89 

and led them to commit the greatest crimes, while 
constantly professing the noblest intentions.* 
There is nothing surprising in this; we have only 
to recollect, that all France joined in a crusade 
against the Albigeois, and that its bravest men 
deemed themselves secure from eternal, by con- 
signing thousands of wretches to temporal, flames : 
we have only to go back to Godfrey de Bouillon, 
and the Christian warriors putting 40,000 unresist- 
ing citizens to death on the storming of Jerusalem, 
to be convinced that such delusions are not pecu- 
liar to any particular age or country, but that they 
are the universal offspring of fanaticism, whether 
in political or religious contests. The writers, who 
represent the Jacobins as mere blood thirsty 
wretches, are well meaning and amiable, but weak 
and ignorant men." (Op. Cit., p. 209. J In a 
note he says, that Napoleon and Cambaceres took 
a similar view of Robespierre's character, i( that 
he had not attended the Committees for six weeks 
before his fall," and " was at last desirous to stop 
the executions." (Las Cases. J 

* I believe they actually liad also good " intentions ;" 
but Robespierre's principles obliging him to live in the 
humblest manner, (as Lamartine shows,) he, of course, 
could create no fear by moral means, i.e., by external 
pomp. And having not enough physical power at his com- 
mand, (as he was not a military man,) his position was a 
false one, and instead of wholesale slaughter by cannon, 
(as used in a subsequent revolution by Napoleon,) he was 
driven to the same by the guillotine. The United States 
have wisely given great power and patronage to their 
president, and hence, although he has little moral power 
from the effect of pomp in subduing the mind, he has what 
is at the bottom of all good government, much physical 
power. The very democratic French government allowing 
little or none of this to Robespierre, his intentions, even 
when noble, often became useless, and he was driven on by 
a sort of desperation, which, at times, lost sight of justice 
entirely. 



90 LETTERS TO 

I shall now enter into more details with respect 
to the war in the Vendee, and first attempt to show 
that Alison's conclusion against Republicans gene- 
rally, and more especially against Deism, from the 
atrocities committed in this war, is not only erro- 
neous, but incompatible with the quotation just 
given, in which we find 40 5 000 unresisting citi- 
zens were put to death by men, with all their faults, 
who were Christians in earnest* — inclined to 
practice, what they at least conceived to be directly 
or indirectly commanded by scripture, and not 
of the present hypocritical and sanctified class, 
(I speak generally), who make their religion to 
consist in mere assertions and appearances, while 
their every day conduct is such, that it is obvious 
they do not even attempt to practice some of its 
very easiest duties. 

He says, " this contest first put the cause of re- 
volution openly and irrevocably at war with that of 
religion ; the friends of real freedom ! (sic. J 
(he should have said slavery) for permanently en- 
listing on their side, a power which will never be 
subdued." (p. 140). 

I may observe here, that by " religion," he means 
of course Christianity; for Robespierre's Deism 
seems regarded by him little better than Atheism. 
As to Christianity " never being subdued," that 
remains to be seen when it has lasted as long as 
the Egyptian and Pagan religions lasted. 

" Religions take their turns ; 'twas Jove, 'tis Jesus," 

says Lord Byron. Religion itself " will never be 
subdued;" but Christianity is not this eternal 
natural religion. 

" From the atrocious severities of the Republi- 

* " The faith which then filled the souls of men, says 
Valery, (Travels, p. 406,) is evaporated." 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 91 

can's sway in this province, has arisen the profound 
hatred of all the believers in the Christian faith at 
their rule/' f idem J 

He should, perhaps, have said Deistical Repub- 
lican sway to make the sense of this passage 
clearer; for the Christian world seems to have no 
objection to Eepublicanism as it exists in Switzer- 
land, and the United States, because the vast ma- 
jority in both these Republics profess Christianity, 
and opinion is against Deism. 

Alison, then, clearly means, that all believers 
in the Christian faith, ascribe those monstrous 
enormities, (i the Republican baptisms and mar- 
riages'/ to the proscription of Christianity from 
the French Republican government at this time. 

As I believe this is the general sentiment, I do 
not object to his stating it as such, but to his 
appearing to embrace such belief himself, after 
having made the statement we see he has done, in 
reference to 40,000 unresisting citizens put to 
death by pious Christians as they called, and no 
doubt thought themselves. He might, moreover, 
have added to these, the slaughter by Christian 
armies, after the taking of Mexico and Peru, &c, 
&c, &c. 

But it is now time to make some statements, 
which will show that the slaughter, (I do not mean 
by this to include wanton cruelty) in the Vendee was 
even more justifiable than that in Jerusalem, for 
in the last case, we find the citizens " unresisting ;" 
whereas in the Vendee, the people were urged on 
by the Priests, and resisted with such success, that 
they were very near destroying the embryo Re- 
public itself, as the following extract from Alison's 
chapter on this subject, evinces : — 

"Thus was the invasion of six armies, amount- 
ing to 100.000 ! (sic J regular troops, part of 



92 LETTERS TO 

whom were the best soldiers of France defeated, 
and losses inflicted on the Republicans, incompara- 
bly greater than they had suffered from all the allies 
put together since the commencement of the war" — 
viz., by the Vendeans. (Op. Cit., Ch. xii., p. 117.) 
We find subsequently, that the Republicans were 
successful, but the above extract will show the 
immense difficulty put in their way by the Ven- 
deans. (See also p. 189 to same effect.) 

But the causes of this war — which subsequently 
assumed all the character of a war of Christian fana- 
ticism against natural religion, and not as formerly 
against Mahoramedanism — were like those of the 
revolution itself, of a far more material character, 
than we might be at first inclined to believe. 
" The confiscation of the church property, says 
Alison, rendered necessary the laws against the 
refractory priests, and thereby lighted the flames 
of civil war in La Vendee. " (Op. Cit., p. 225.) 
The Christian priests then, when like the curate 
of St. Maria de Re, to be noticed presently, with 
the cross in their hands, they harangued the ig- 
norant but loyal peasants about to combat, were 
seeking revenge for loss of their property,* (in 
this respect, perhaps justly), as well as to revenge 
the attempt that Robespierre, as far as he indivi- 
dually was concerned, had made, to put Deism 
somewhat above Christianity ; for he as already 
stated, was not of those who insanely attempted to 
drive all religion from the earth. 

" My children," said de Re, " I will march at 
your head with the crucifix in my hands ; let those 
who follow me fall on their knees, and / will give 

* u The levy of 300,000 men ordered by the Convention 
in February, 1793," was also greatly concerned, as Alison 
informs us. (Op. Cit., p. 98.) 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 93 

them absolution : if they fall, they will be received, 
into Paradise; but the cowards who betray God 
and their families, will be massacred by the blues, 
and their souls consigned to hell" (Op. Cit. 5 
p. 127., Chap, xiij Above 2.000 men fell on 
their knees, received absolution and returned to 
battle, the curate at their head, exclaiming — " Vive 
le Moi, nous allons en Paradis." (Op. Cit., ib.J 

I have purposely marked in italics passages in 
this address, similar to those addressed to men in 
the earlier times of Mahommedanism, and equally 
well calculated to urge them on to far more despe- 
rate combat, than any w T ords with which an 
Atheist, or even conscientious Deist, could possibly 
speak to them. But as every impartial man, must 
I apprehend regard such words in the light of rank 
blasphemy, in which the creature assumes the 
power of the Creator, and of obvious fraud,* for 
the sake of taking an advantage of the Eepublican 
enemy, we have, perhaps, some little justification 
for the fierce paroxysms of rage— little short of in- 
sanity — with which they must have filled the bosom 
of an almost beaten Eepublican army, and conse- 
quently for the subsequent crimes of Carrier in his 
s; baptisms and marriages." 

We find that, after the above quoted address of 
De Ee, the Eoyalists won the battle, leaving 6,000 
killed and wounded on the field ; and that such 
was the rancour inspired by fanaticism, that " they 
seized each other and tore their bodies with their 
hands after the ammunition had ceased/' (Op. Git., 
p. 127.) 

* Yet Alison passes over this address, rather with seem- 
ing approval than otherwise ; so impossible is it for the 
most disinterested Christian writer, in the present tyranni- 
cal state of opinion on the subject, to be as impartial as he 
otherwise, no doubt, would be ! 



94 LETTERS TO 

Alison, on a former occasion, forgetting, per- 
haps, what he was afterwards to assert as facts, 
p. 96) tal ks about " this superstition being of so 
gentle and holy a kind," and endeavours through 
this chapter to make out that the cruelty was on 
the Republican side. Admitting that it was so to 
a greater extent, the following passages will show 
that the Royalist peasants, with all their " holy 
superstition," were not always so " gentle 5 ' as he 
asserts. " When Machecoul was captured, the 
prisons was forced by a furious mob, and above 
eighty Republicans massacred in one day." Again, 
f< nearly 500 Republicans fell victims to the rage 
of a Royalist Committee." (Chap, xii., p. 104.) 
Again, (chap, xvi., p. 274) " Charette stormed 
three of the intrenched camps, and put their gar- 
risons to the sword." Yet this was the very Cha- 
rette who he says, at p. 104, " was horror-struck" 
at the murder of the 500 Republicans just men- 
tioned, and a man who often " had recourse to the 
clergy" to instil obedience into his men, and who 
" took an oath to be faithful to the cause of God 
(as he called it) and the throne." (p. 107.) 

Perhaps, from the history of this brave man, 
(such he was, certainly,) may be gleaned one of 
the best arguments to show that even the Repub- 
licans tried to begin by being mild, for " when 
he was at the head of only fourteen followers 
(he subsequently had 20,000 under him alone) the 
Convention offered him a million of francs if he 
would retire to England." (p. 107.) Again, (p. 108) 
" It is painful, said the Republican Commis- 
sioners, to be obliged to proceed to extremities, 
but they cannot be avoided, from the fanaticism of 
the peasants, who, in no one instance, have been 
known to betray their landlords/' 

After the fall of Robespierre, and the just exe- 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. ■ 95 

cution of Carrier,* by whose orders the " mar 
riages and baptisms" took place, we find a treaty 
(January 1795) was concluded between the Ven- 
deans and Republican government, in which the 
former were allowed the free exercise of Chris- 
tianity, two millions of francs for their war ex- 
penses and various indemnities, pardons, almost 
total exemption from taxes, &c, &c, and they were 
to submit to the Eepublic. But even this did not 
satisfy them, for we find Charette, in the July 
following, joining other Royalists ; and they were 
scarcely even put down by Hoche and the great 
army in 1796 ! (Alison, chap, xviii.,) for we find 
them subsequently, in two years or so, breaking 
out again. (Idem.) 

Thus we observe that, notwithstanding Carrier's 
atrocities, intended to extend the " reign of terror ' 
to the Vendue, and only resorted to towards the 
close of that reign after other more conciliatory 
measures had failed, Charette may still be said to 
have beaten Robespierre's government ! Thus, 
though nothing can justify the murder of the 
women and children (37,000 according to Alison, 
p. 207) and Carrier's other victims in the Vendue, 
still I have said enough to show that these mur- 
ders, unlike those at Jerusalem, were caused by 
most determined opposition on the part of the 
Royalists, and consequently were, in this respect, 
more justifiable than these and many others that 
have taken place in the world. 

Moreover, it is clear that the Vendeans were not 
murdered because they were fanatical Christians, 
and that the Republicans would certainly not have 

* ("Chap, xix., p. 333, &c.) As " his authority was un- 
bounded," (p. 333) of course Robespierre had little to do 
with the murders in this remote district, any more than his 
Deism had. 



03 LETTERS TO 

troubled themselves about their exercising their 
religion in private (nor perhaps even in public,* 
though their churches had been shut by go- 
vernment) ; whereas, the 40,000 were murdered by 
the Christians in Jerusalem solely on account of 
their being of a different religion — viz., Mahom- 
medans ! 

These reflections will at once show that the brutal 
murders in the Vendee were not caused by the 
absence of all belief in Christianity in the minds 
of the Eepublicans, as a former quotation from 
Alison shows us the world at large, including 
himself, inclines to believe ; and, consequently, 
were, in reality, not near of so atrocious a cha- 
racter as those in Jerusalem. 

And now let any impartial man go back to the 
following quotations, and mark the gross injustice 
with which one of the most impartial of the Chris- 
tian writers is obliged, by his creed, to terminate 
his paragraph. 

" After seven years, viz., in 1800, the worship 
of Christianity was restored by Napoleon ; but a 
great portion of the youth of France had been 
brought up, without receiving any religious impres- 

* I set down this as possible, because Robespierre's object 
was merely to put Deism as the state religion in place of 
Christianity, at the same time, as I have observed, evincing 
a disposition to tolerate this latter as well as Judaism, &c. 
I observe, in Lord Brougham's Robespierre, (p. 32) that his 
lordship says, the effort of Robespierre to introduce Theism 
" was wholly unnecessary for re-establishing religion, and 
gained no object but that of exciting distrust, &c, among 
the infidel part of the community, without at all reconciling 
the votaries of Christianity." No doubt such was the case 
as to these two latter effects, but Lord Brougham, like the 
other " votaries of Christianity," would probably as soon 
see Atheism as any religion except Christianity prevail. 
Hence this indifference, amounting to injustice, to the man 
on this point. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 97 

sions in early life." * * " This, has for ever 
disqualified the French for the enjoyment of free- 
dom, because it has extinguished the feelings of 
duty, on which alone it can be founded in the 
young and influential part of the people." (Chap, i, 
p. 47.) 

Where were the " feelings of duty," when the 
pious Christians murdered the 40,000 at Jeru- 
salem ? If it had not been for their religion, they 
would never have thought this to be a duty. Hence 
it is clear, that at least sometimes, Christianity 
may come to make sincere men consider the very 
greatest of all human crimes, a positive duty ! /"* 
I hold, also, that " feelings of duty" are necessary 
to " freedom ;" but maintain that Christianity gives 
wrong feelings of duty, and that they should be 
founded on Theism, or the reason given by God to 
correct any errors of conscience. On the contrary, 
" impressions" of Calvinism, instilled " in early 
life," are the origin of our self-sufficiency, cant, 
and really irreligious conduct in the daily affairs of 
life, because they cause the intolerance of public 
opinion. 

I have already observed the Convention of 1795 
repealed the law of !793, which actually prohi- 
bited Christian worship. This, it must be con- 
fessed, seems a more equitable system, than the 

* Along with the minor vices of this creed may be 
noticed the following from Hume's Dialogues concerning 
natural religion, (p. 105.) u Among ourselves, some 
(probably he means the Calvinists) have been guilty of that 
atrociousness, unknown to the Egyptian and Greek supersti- 
tions, of declaiming, in express terms, against morality." 
All Christian sects do more or less, when they place so 
much merit in faith. 

Another vice in Christianity, unknown to the ancient 
superstitions, is the doctrine of repentance atoning for sin 
— a doctrine still more probably, " against morality." 
F 



98 LETTERS TO 

mere private sort of toleration of Christianity by 
Kobespierre ; yet, nevertheless, we can also infer 
from what took place after this change, the erro- 
neousness of Alison's assertion, that the mildness 
of the treatment of the Kepublican prisoners by 
the Koyalists in the war of La Vendee, was due 
to their strong faith in Christianity . since we find 
that just after! the above decree too, some of 
this very religious party did not scruple to exercise 
their revenge on the Terrorists, and (( that eighty 
Jacobins only escaped execution, by secreting 
themselves." (Chap, xix., p. 348.) " At Lyons, 
Aix, &c, they (the Eoyalists) massacred, the pri- 
soners without either trial or discrimination.'* 
" The re-action was terrible/' (p. 347.) Thus, 
by the above words, he contradicts himself.* 

Humanity did not thoroughly begin to reign 
till after Napoleon and Barras had secured the 
power: of the Convention by their victory over the 
National Guards towards the end of October, in 
1795; and this humanity had little to do with 
religion, for many members of the Convention 
were Jacobins, Theists, and Atheists, and Chris- 

* The impartial reader will also observe that I have 
taken only the numbers as stated by Alison, (which may be 
perfectly correct,) without consulting the opposite, or my 
own party, on this particular point. 

Another consideration is, that there is somewhat more 
excuse for the atrocities of " infidels " in this war, because 
they saw that the Christian party took advantage of some 
of the most bigotted passages in their creed to cause their 
party to fight well. Now, perhaps, sometimes this was 
from faith ; but as it was also often probably from mere 
fraud to increase courage, the Republicans found they had 
nothing to oppose to this falsehood, but to endeavour to 
inspire terror into the minds of the Royalists by the 
severity of the punishments they inflicted on prisoners. The 
Mahommedan lie so excited fanaticism, that at first this 
sect conquered everywhere. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 99 

tianity was only on a sort of level with Theism, 
&c, till 1800. A more humane spirit had, indeed, 
began to show itself in April, when some Jacobin 
insurgents were transported to Cayenne, instead 
of being guillotined. The government was, how- 
ever, hardly yet strong enough for such a measure, 
for a successful attempt at rescue was made by 
their comrades, and they were not retaken till 300 
of the military had been called out. No doubt 
Robespierre thought that his government was not 
strong enough for such a measure. And such 
opinion might have been supported by a subse- 
quent Jacobin insurrection, which took place on 
the 24th of May ; for on this occasion we find 
the guillotine was again resorted to in the end of 
June, 1795, and that "three who tried to stab 
themselves were led, still bleeding, to execution!' 
(Chap. xix. 5 p. 341.) Thus it was only, in fact, 
when the government came into the hands of 
military men, (Napoleon and Barras,) at the end 
of October, '95, that a more lenient mode of 
punishment could be judiciously resorted to. Thus 
we see that a mild, yet perfectly Democratic govern* 
ment (such as under Robespierre) is next to im- 
possible, unless we give military men a preponde- 
rance in the rule, and then it is only one remove 
from a despotism, and is in the power of such 
military men to convert it to such, if it 
pleases them. Such did Napoleon shortly after- 
wards. This reflection will, like former ones, 
bring us to the conclusion that Robespierre's 
cruelty was necessary for such a very Democratic 
Constitution to stand its ground ; and not in the 
slightest degree dependant on his want of belief 
in Christianity.* At the same time, I will admit 

* Again to the same purpose. From October 1795 to 
1800 France existed without Christianity as the established 



100 LETTEKS TO 

that the attempt to suppress this by force, was 
very impolitic, to say the least ; and, if I may 
use the expression, an attempt to be as foolishly 
Democratic in matters of religion, as they had 
been in civil government. Had they begun with 
the constitution of '95, as regarded religion, and 
allowed the Vendee peasants to attend Christian 
worship in their churches, if they consented to 
pay for it, we should not probably have had 
De Be addressing them, as we find he did, or a 
peasant on another occasion, noticed by Alison, 
fighting furiously to the last, though desperately 
wounded, and exclaiming to the Eepublicans 
before he fell — " Restore to me my God." 

Such, at least, would have been the more just 
and milder system ; and as it might have prevented 
so much opposition on their part at first, might, 
as a consequence, have also prevented the " Bap- 
tisms and Marriages," and other atrocities of the 
Republicans. I am not, however, prepared to 
speak with certainty on this point ; since we find 
that under the Roman Empire, Christianity never 
was content until it had put all other religions 
beneath itself; and since we find that even after 
1795, when it had acquired this equality with 

religion, its belief or profession being voluntary. Yet during 
these years the " atrocities" were not repeated. But why not, 
if the absence of Christianity had previously caused these? 
The fact is, the French people acted with more humanity and 
justice during this period, than often subsequently when 
Napoleon — forgetting somewhat his splendid address, "My 
empire ends where that of conscience begins " — restored 
Catholicism. Our fanatically or hypocritically Christian 
Cromwell, too, sent his prisoners of war to be slaves in 
the West Indies. (Guizot's Cromwell. 1855.) Some 
men would have thought this a more severe punishment 
than Robespierre's guillotine. It shows, at all events, that 
Christianity in its Puritanical form, is little more humane 
than Theism, or than Catholicism. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 101 

Deism, and the Vendeans had, as already men- 
tioned, obtained a treaty, the most honourable that 
could possibly have been granted by any govern- 
ment which still continued ^Republican and not 
Eoyalist, they were dissatisfied, and took up arms 
again on the first favourable occasion. 

Whether, therefore, this more just system would 
have succeeded better may be somewhat doubtful ; 
but we must not probably put the blame on Eobes- 
pierre and the Deists, that it was not introduced 
at first ; for they took the government as they 
found it, and it was no doubt their great enemies 
— the Atheistic party — who had been mainly in- 
strumental in prohibiting Christian worship by 
actual law. Eobespierre, probably, would not 
have dared to have favoured Christianity thus far, 
seeing that his restoring the worship of God only, 
met with great opposition from the Atheists, and 
was more or less instrumental in his fall. 

I may close these remarks on Eobespierre by 
saying, that while I believe the religious creed he 
had taken from Eousseau had nothing to do with 
the massacres in question, I cannot perhaps say 
the same for Eousseau's political creed, viz., the 
" equality of men." Fanaticism on this point 
spurred Eobespierre on ; but, strange to say, this 
was Sir T. More's creed as a Christian. 

I have now given my matured and settled 
opinion, that the enormities committed in the first 
French Eevolution did not arise from the suppres- 
sion of Christianity as the religion of the State. 
In a former publication, before I had investigated 
this subject, I asked — Was not the slaughter in 
question due to this absence of Christianity ? 
deeming that it probably was. This query it was 
that induced me to investigate the subject fully, 
in order to remove one prejudice that still adheres 



102 LETTERS TO 

to the minds even of some liberal and intelligent 
men on this subject, and is perhaps at the bottom 
of the strong respect of the vast unreflecting 
multitude in England and America for the Christian 
faith. But being fully satisfied I have said enough 
to show it is not essential to social order, I now 
close this point. 

Another seeming objection alone remains. I 
allude to the fact that none of the enormities of 
the French Eevolution took place in the American 
Revolution, and as the Americans always respected 
Christianity, and public opinion in the country 
was in favour of it, was not this the cause of the 
difference ? Probably such is still the opinion in 
America— indeed, I have heard an American assert 
it ; but that it is fallacious, is clear, not only from 
the example of ancient Eome, already instanced^ 
but also from the different position France was in 
at the time of her revolution from America ; for 
here there was no Vendee with its 100,000 
Royalists to oppose ; nor the foreign armies of 
all Europe. Neither had the Americans Red 
Republicanism for their government; and conse- 
quently they had a Democracy more easily 
managed. It is no doubt their merit to have fixed 
on this less Democratic form of government. But 
such choice and the above different position, aided 
perhaps also by a less excitable nature, were no 
doubt the cause of the far less amount of atrocity 
in their revolution. I assert their Christianity 
was totally or nearly unconcerned in it. 

I have made this solemn appeal chiefly to you, 
Citizens of the United States, to know whether the 
insanity of mankind* as Mr. Trevelyan justly 

* A man who asserts that mankind in general are mad, 
doubtless will be considered to be so himself; but I agree 
with Mr. Trevelyan that they are so, and for this simple 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 103 

designates it, is to continue for ever, and to re- 
main incurable ? In consequence of the universal 
diffusion of education among you, you are prepared 
for a really rational form of religion, I mean pure 
Theism ; and if you cannot get a majority of your 
citizens to confess, what they must I think now 
really believe on religious matters, cannot you, at 
all events, get a law enacted for making this a 
state religion, to which every one of you should be 
obliged to contribute ? I think the intelligent 
among you would not consider this an abridge- 
ment of rational liberty any more than Plato or 
Eousseau (those well-known apostles of political 
liberty) did formerly. I see that a Mr. Eussell of 
Cincinnati,* thinks you would be better for some 
state religion, as the poorer classes could then 
attend a place of worship with more satisfaction to 
themselves. I conjure you, then, in case of any 
change in your system, to make thai religion a 
religion of state, which alone is worthy to be so 
among a really sane and intellectual people. 

As outward forms and ceremonies in religion 
ever have been, and ever will be of importance as 
influencing the imagination, and by this the feeling 
of veneration inherent in the human soul, I shall 
here state that I think the establishment of the 
Theistic form of worship should by no means be 
accompanied with the simplicity and tyrannical 
spirit of order and separation of poor and rich, 

reason, viz., that, compared with custom and fashion, reason 
has little or no power over their actions. Such madness 
in lesser matters is not of much consequence ; but when it 
shows itself, as it does now, among the most civilised 
nations existing, in regard to religion, the case is altered. 
Lord Byron said, " Turn Bedlam out ;" and this playful 
instinct of the poet seems almost approved by reason. 

* England and America Compared. Watson. Holyoake 
147, Fleet Street. 



104 LETTERS TO 

which prevails especially in Calvinistic Protestant- 
ism, hut, on the contrary, with all the externals 
of Eoman Catholicism. In this respect, I hold 
this religion to he perfect ; and when also accom- 
panied with the toleration that existed perhaps 
in still more perfection under the reign of Louis 
Philippe than it does even at present in France, 
I could even subscribe to its mysteries, taken in a 
very general sense. It was, and still is, or ought to 
be, far more tolerant than our Protestantism. 

I observe that the author of Quinquenergia* 
while proposing the Theistic form of worship — 
which is the only true part of any ''revealed" 
religion — also seems in favour of the externals 
of Catholicism, in which much of the classical 
Pagan system is very properly followed. Pro- 
cessions, incense, splendid cathedrals, — open, too, 
every day, — in order to afford the poor and weary 
man an asylum and better home than his own, 
and where he can pray in peace, whether the priest 
be there or not, — such are some of the outlines 
for " Deo erexit Voltaire " establishments. 

I feel the more confidence in proposing the 
Theistic form of worship, as the same may be said 
to have been done by Sir Thomas More in his 
Utopia, who seems, even at that period, to have 
thought it preferable to literal Christianity, and 
who, doubtless, had he lived to see the subsequent 
massacres caused by this, would have considered 
it doubly so afterwards. 

It was probably the advantage that many pas- 
sages in scripture gave to those who say that into- 
lerance is the basis of Christianity, that led More 
to prefer Theism, t for he says, p. 173, "one 

* Chapman, London. 1854. 

t I know that the charge of intolerance in practice has 
been brought against More, and perhaps justly ; but when 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 105 

Christian was punished by the Utopians because 
he cried out that ' they were impious and damned 
to everlasting burnings/'' He was "banished" 
for thus attempting to inflame the people to 
" sedition ;" and in this case I do not perceive 
any intolerant feeling in More, for the Christian 
in question uttered words without solid evidence 
of their truth, and which were well calculated to 
cause civil discord and revolution. Had the 
ancient Eoman government punished fanaticism 
in this summary way, Christianity would probably 
never have upset Paganism. Occasionally, no 
doubt, it was too severe to those professing Chris- 
tianity, but taken in its whole course too tolerant. 
More would have the priests elected by ballot, 
and required to preach only the doctrines of Pro- 
vidence and a future state. He tolerates all reli- 
gions, and Christianity among them, because, 
says he, this favours " community of goods," 
which he, like Plato, thought should exist in every 
system of perfect* justice. Thanks to the ambi- 
guity of the creed, scarcely a single Christian has 
ever adopted such view ! Yet I think with More, 
that the general tenor of scripturef is to support 

the passions are excited, a man is sometimes led to acts his 
reason condemns. This, then, is no argument against the 
views of his cooler moments. 

* I also hold this opinion as far as abstract justice is 
concerned ; but maintain that such pure justice cannot be 
put in practice on earth on any large scale, and that, con- 
sequently, perhaps the best form of government is 'perfect 
equality (not mere toleration) of all religions, and strong 
executive power — hereditary probably the best. It is sin- 
gular that this was adopted in Sparta, as regarded their 
King, and that even the Senators there were elected for 
life. (Plutarch. Polybius.) Thus we find a thorough 
aristocratic ! principle, even in this very small Social Re- 
public; otherwise, probably, it would not have lasted so long. 

t It may be said such opinion of equality is incompatible 
f 2 



106 LETTERS TO 

this said doctrine of the "natural equality of 
man." 

"No prayers are permitted among the Utopians, 
but such as every one (all the different religious 
sects) may use without prejudice to his own opi- 
nions." (p. 185.) This is admirable, and is the 
only manner to unite all the different religions as 
far as they can be so ; and to reconcile different 
sects to worship in the same church. Dr. Arnold, 
when he wished to see this in reference to Protes- 
tants and Catholics, forgot the definite and often 
intolerant prayers and creeds which are frequently 
repeated in so formal a manner in our Protestant 
churches, as if expressly to exclude Unitarians 
and Catholics from repeating them. More, on 
the contrary, like Pope, prefers a sort of " univer- 
sal prayer." 

More would also justly have the different sexes 
occupy different parts of the same cathedral , and 
the young women in company with the old, to 



with the assertion of "damnation" denounced against 
those who u resist the powers that be." No doubt: and 
here is another specimen of ambiguity. But I consider this 
last as a proof rather of that subservience of Christianity 
to the temporal power of the Caesars at the time, which we 
observe in the reply, " Render unto Caesar the things 
which are Caesars," &c, than to its true and proper charac- 
ter and meaning. At its origin, property was common 
among Christians, and all was real equality among them ; 
for Christ himself seemed to order this equality, when he 
told the rich man u to sell all he had to give to the poor." 
It was enab'ed to get itself adopted by Emperors, because 
it seemed not to interfere with politics, and also because it 
seemed to sanction their divine right to power. But once 
adopted by Monarchs its doctrines of equality were for- 
gotten, as being incompatible with those advocating 
" divine" right ; and this last doctrine is no doubt the cause 
why it has reigned so long on earth, as Monarchs have the 
physical force at their disposal. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 107 

keep them serious, (p. 187.) Also incense, as a 
sort of sacrifice during worship ; and after prayers, 
amusements on the Sunday evening. (Idem. J 

To conclude : while he thus makes a liberal 
Theism the religion of the State, he may no doubt 
be accused of some degree of intolerance in ex- 
cluding, as he does, Atheists from all public 
offices ; but Plato, and after him Kousseau, were 
probably still more severe on this point. 

Here, then, is the religion I propose as an 
answer to the infidel Lord Chesterfield's question 
— " Madam, what are we Legislators to put in the 
place of Christianity ?" 

I also allude to the existence of the Koman 
Empire — and in its greatest glory too — up to the 
time of Constantine without it ; and also suggest 
the following outlines as auxiliary reforms, premis- 
ing that the principle of all reforms, where only 
natural religion is professed, will be to increase the 
power of the government and the police, since 
some restraint, though very small, is taken away 
when we reject revealed religion. 

1. — In consequence — to consider health first — 
all provisions and drinks should especially be sub- 
ject to government supervision previous to their 
sale In England lately (1855) many of the 
ornaments in cakes and pastry, many fish sauces 
and pickles, and, less to be expected, many pre- 
served fruits, have been found adulterated with 
actually poisonous ingredients, to the disgrace of 
our trading community ;* and I observe in the 

* Very large quantities of alum also in bread, and 
chicory in coffee. Mr. Graham, in stating he did not ob- 
ject to this last adulteration, totally omitted to advert to 
the cases where poisons had been used. (Proceedings of 
the British Association.) 



108 LETTERS TO 

French journals, that five or six butchers have 
been justly punished for selling animals that have 
died by diseases, and that, too, at a time when a 
malignant diarrhoea prevailed. The power now 
proposed ought to extend to punishing numerous 
advertisers of food, drinks, or medicines, where 
by falsehood they attempt to cheat the public. 
The poor, honest, and ignorant man, is at present 
often fairly robbed of his property, and often of 
his health, by these lying advertisements. 

Although it would be well that a similar force 
should attempt to prevent fraud in all other trades 
and professions, still as in these cases the health 
of the public is not endangered, less rigorous 
measures will perhaps suffice in such cases. 

It appears that our laws against fraudulent 
bankrupts are somewhat more severe than formerly; 
but some recent cases which have occurred in men 
of large property, make still more stringent laws 
on this subject desirable. 

2. — Eewards for virtue should be instituted as 
Beccaria long ago suggested. Under this head 
something should be done towards the adequate 
remuneration of those who are honest enough to 
restore the property &c, &c, they havefound, to the 
owners. At present the paltry rewards given by 
some individuals are a disgrace to humanity and 
an encouragement to theft. 

3. — Some form of sumptuary law seems desira- 
ble to check the immense power of monopoly, 
which prevents the poorer men competing suc- 
cessfully with the large capitalist. " If laws were 
made determining at how great an extent of land, 
and at how much money, every man should stop," 
at least some of the evils of the present system 
would be diminished, says Sir T. More. (Op. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 109 

Cit., p. 71. J I agree with him, and think thus 
far only, Communism is desirable.* 

In reference to this point, the effect of fixing 
the prices of the necessaries of life, such as bread 
and meat, which has just been done by the French 
government, should be watched. One plan or 
the other ought, in justice to the poor, to be 
adopted. 

4. — It were good that either the suggestions of 
Sir T. More or Lord Bacon, to prevent much of 
the mutual deception that often takes place in 
marriages, were followed. But as such suggestions 
seem only easily practicable in a savage state of 
society, we must be content to let custom remain 
as it is on such points. The Eomans seem to 
have obviated the deception in question in a great 
measure, by the facility they allowed to divorce ; 
and our modern Beformers have done well in 
endeavouring to extend this privilege to the lower 
classes of both sexes of the community. 

5. — Lord John Russell, in his speech on the 
Jewish Bill in 1854, observed that Lord Halifax 
formerly proposed, or submitted for consideration, 
the propriety of compelling the whole of the 
population to take an oath never to defraud their 
fellow- creatures, observing that, if such were law, 
it would not hinder us from bolting our doors at 

* With all our profession of Christianity and Christian 
charity, it would he desirable to know whether there is not 
more abject poverty in this country than in almost any 
other in Europe ? and, if so, as appears probable, whether 
much at least of it cannot be traced to monopolies ? As 
the poor man is also not allowed to do work for himself on 
a Sunday, (see Note, end of Letter II.,) it may also be 
asked, if this law does not contribute ? The man in this case 
justly said he was too tired on a week-day to work in the 
evening. 



110 LETTERS TO 

night, and taking the same precautions against 
theft and fraud as at present.* 

I pause to decide whether or not this suggestion 
might not be usefully added to the above, in case 
they were found inadequate to supply the place of 
a revealed religion. 

I have little doubt that unreflecting Whigs and 
Democrats will say all the above is rank tyranny. 
Perhaps so ; but never mind, so that it is not rank 
injustice; and I maintain such regulations would 
tend to cause the practice of a much greater 
amount of justice than we find at present existing 
perhaps under any government, Eepublican or 
Monarchical. As Plato said formerly, so I say 
now, that no existing government perfectly satisfies 

* I observe that Beccaria is against the setting of much 
value on religious oaths, even in a court of justice, urging 
justly, like the avowed Pantheist — Meslier — that the fears 
and hopes of religion are too remote (troppo remoti) to 
have much influence on the actions of the great mass of 
mankind. (Sect, xi ) Nevertheless, I do not apprehend 
he would have objected to the above suggestion by way of 
oath or affirmation for mankind of all religions. His views 
were directed against the oath of the Christian as such; 
and are sufficiently obvious, and as clear as the age allowed 
him to speak. 

Polybius justly praises the Romans for their great respect 
for their oaths, and also for the punishment they inflicted 
on those who either broke or tried to break such oaths. 
(Hampton's Translation. Book vi., pp. 406-410.) TJie 
common soldiers, too, were obliged to take an oath of 
obedience to their commanders, (idem, p. 352,) and also 
(in reference to Lord Halifax's suggestion) that " they 
would not steal, or even if they found anything that they 
would bring it to the Tribunes." (p. 369.) 

The worst of many of the cases in which oaths are now 
required is, that like that " on the faith of a Christian" the 
form is not only useless, but injurious to honesty. How 
different that of the Romans ! Our system, too, diminishes 
even the value set on an oath. 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. Ill 

my mind, (though France in some points and the 
United States in others comes nearest;) and like 
him I shall console myself, though the present 
suggestions never be put in practice, (as they 
probably never will be,) that I have at least worked 
disinterestedly for the public good, and that some 
share of praise ought to follow, whether it does 
or not. 

Although in the present bigotted age, this is 
out of the question, still as like Gibbon, I wish 
to part on good terms not only with the Catholic, 
but also with the Protestant clergy, I shall here 
state that this work is not intended to censure 
them particularly, since, speaking generally, I 
consider all of them in a forced and false position. 
My pen has only attacked the measures and not 
the men, except perhaps in some rare cases, where 
these have been able to become more free agents 
than usual, and have used such power to the detri- 
ment of truth and justice, or have given outward 
approval to a faith in which they cannot believe. 
There is, however, more excuse for the clergy 
doing this by writing their Evidences of Christia- 
nity and of Prophecy, &c, than for men of science 
and letters among laymen doing the same. It is 
double hypocrisy in these men to write in favour 
of an obvious fallacy ; and as they are not neces- 
sarily called upon to do so, they, more especially 
of all others 9 deserve to have their writings keenly 
criticised. 

As to the clergy — seeing their false position — 
though I feel no ill-will towards the quiet part of 
them — yet I shall not forget that there are a 
number of them roaming about, or settled on the 
continent, and who make it a part of their profes- 
sion to commence their verbal war against Catho- 
lics, or unbelievers generally. I speak from expe- 



112 LETTERS TO 

rience, having lately on the continent been drawn 
into arguments by two such men, at what might 
almost be called a public table, and during which 
arguments fas usual) the laymen present took 
the side of the church. On one of these occasions 
I felt at last obliged to tell my adversary that I 
thought it a dishonour to our English government 
that such a man as Gibbon {known as an infidel) 
could not sit in the <c House ;" for even the ad- 
mission of the Jews to Parliament only goes half- 
way. Our worthy clergyman then called Gibbon 
" an insincere man," forgetting that not one of 
our Legislators is allowed by opinion, or even law, 
to be even half as sincere as he ! 

These are the sort of men, too, that try often 
to insinuate, and if that fail, to push themselves 
into the sick infidel's or Dissenter's room uncalled 
for ; an instance of which I knew in the case of 
an artist who died rather suddenly in Italy, and 
who, in my presence, never expressed more than 
a modest doubt on the subject. I see also by the 
Advertiser, (October 2nd, 1855,) that this sort of 
conduct was attempted ineffectually in the case of 
the Lord Chesterfield, whose " infidelity" has been 
alluded to in these Letters. 

Now, of course, anything like friendship is im- 
possible with such characters as these, and as at 
the serious period in question a man may not 
always, from acquiescence of relatives or friends, 
be in a position to keep these possibly well-mean- 
ing persons at a distance, I consider it right here 
to state that these Letters contain my matured 
opinions — after an examination of the " religious 
question " at different intervals, and with some- 
what different results for the last twenty years. 
I say this now, while, thank God, I feel my intel- 
lect clear, and as strong as ever. Although phi- 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 118 

losophers, put little confidence in the change of opi- 
nions said to have been brought about in several un- 
believers when on their death-bed, yet the clergy 
ever appeal to these cases — where human reason 
is almost always injured, often nearly annihilated 
— as the best evidence that the man changed his 
opinions ! They thus show how weak is their cause. 

I, an humble individual, mindful I hope, in the 
words of Thomas Carlyle, of the " Duties of Man" 
as- well as the "Eights of Man/' put down this, 
out of no spirit of bravado, but merely as a check 
on that foolish desire even of " home conversion" 
which animates the great proportion of our clergy. 
I am sorry to say that these gentlemen are too 
often only thinking of their own eternal interest, 
when, at the serious period in question, they seem 
to be thinking alone of that of the sick man. As 
believers in the scriptures — when, indeed, they are 
so in reality — they do not forget the reward held 
out hereafter to those who make converts of the 
Heathen. 

Since, in the reforms proposed in this Letter, I 
have not alluded in a sufficiently clear manner to 
the " population question," and since a work* 
treating more especially on this topic, has only 
fallen into my hands after all the above was 
written, I propose here to add a few remarks on 
the Chapter, Poverty, its only cause mid only 
cure, apprising the reader that this is ascribed to 
over-population, and, consequently, that its " only 
cure" is the use of some of the " checks" enume- 
rated in the work quoted. As I cannot here 
discuss this subject at length, I shall content my- 
self by recommending it to the attention of the 

* Physical, Sexual, and Natural Religion, By a Medical 
Student, (p. 449. Price 2s. Published by E. Truelove, 
240, Strand, Temple-bar. 1855.) 



1J4 LETTERS TO 

poorer part of the public in general, as a work 
containing a greater amount of " free thought" 
and general information on these — with us — sacred 
subjects, than is probably elsewhere to be found. 

Notwithstanding, that " war, pestilence, and 
famine/' have decimated the human race, a philo- 
sopher cannot but remark, that even these causes 
seem hardly to have been considered by nature, 
adequate to keep down population, since she has 
almost everywhere, at different times of the earth's 
history, prompted legislators to recommend, and 
parents to commit, what we now consider so fearful 
a crime, viz., that of infanticide. In Sparta alone 
— of all civilised antiquity — was it confined more 
especially within what might appear the just limits 
of humanity, viz., where infants were mal-formed. 
Solon recommended infanticide ; Aristotle, abor- 
tion ; and Plato seems in a great measure to have 
anticipated Malthus, for he, also, is for limiting, 
as well as improving the physical condition of the 
population, of course by one of the above means. 

Such general consent among sages and savages 
(for infanticide, has prevailed almost always in 
barbarous countries,) might well have turned 
Malthus's powerful mind to this subject ; for no 
doubt the wise Romans would never have tolerated 
it — particularly as in population consisted their 
strength for war — had they not considered it some- 
what in the light of necessary evil for greater 
good. 

Of course, neither Malthus, nor any at the pre- 
sent day, could suggest to a government the legali- 
sation of a limited amount of abortion produced 
artificially, nor of infanticide ; neither probably 
would the ancients have permitted anything of the 
kind, had what are called " checks" been known 
to them. These are the substitutes for it, and far 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 115 

superior, inasmuch of the two. it is better to pre- 
vent life, than to take it away even before it can 
hardly be called life. 

Malthus's check — abstinence from marriage till 
a person can support a family — becomes often a 
peculiar hardship to the poor man; indeed, it is 
almost insulting him under the name of Chris- 
tianity. No doubt, it is strictly in accordance with 
this faith, which makes, as already stated, forni- 
cation " deadly sin;" but if it be so, then surely 
it is the duty of a government to do something 
more towards bettering the condition of the poor, 
that they may have it in their power to marry with- 
out actually bringing additional beggars into the 
world. 

Doubtless, other checks noticed as efficacious in 
the work in question, would not be tolerated as 
moral by our religion ; but the author also men- 
tions that one somewhat recently discovered by Ra • 
ciborski, viz., " abstinence from sexual intercourse, 
from the third day before menstruation, till the 
eighth day after it," (p. 348) ; and this might 
even be used by married people, who firmly be- 
lieved in Christianity. Professor Muller, some 
few years back, (see Physiology) mentioned this 
discovery ; and it is right to say, that even now 
it seems only highly probable as such, but cer- 
tainly worth attending to by the religious with 
large families, who are in poor circumstances, as 
giving a good chance. 

As this last check is the only one, the very 
strict believer in Christianity would use, and as 
this party constitutes at the very least more than 
three fourths of our population, we see clearly 
that if over-population be the " only cause" of 
poverty, as our author asserts, there is very little 
chance in this " religious country" at least, of his 



116 LETTERS TO 

remedy being followed. Indeed, even if all the 
checks he suggests were pretty generally followed, 
I apprehend, that still the destruction of mono- 
polies, or the regulation of prices, as already ad- 
vocated in this Letter, would be requisite to 
equalise property to a reasonable extent. I however, 
admit, that a general use of his " checks," would 
tend to diminish poverty to a very considerable 
extent. 

As then, while Christianity is the established 
religion, it is in vain to expect any diminution of 
poverty by a general use of this author's checks ; 
we have here, again, another injurious effect of 
this creed to add to those already mentioned in 
this work. 

I believe I may also enumerate among these, its 
tendency, by its opposition to Burke's wise maxim, 
(see p. 4), to increase the number of the very 
worst cases of prostitution, viz., those in which a 
woman is left totally without means of support. 
The author of the work now noticed, says justly, 
" only by allowing greater sexual freedom, is it 
possible to eradicate prostitution." (p. 369.) I 
have long been of this opinion, and there was an 
otherwise good article on the subject in the West- 
mister Review some years ago, but it it did not 
make the above suggestion. The Turkish Empire, 
however, shows its truth, where fornication on the 
part of the man and adultery on that of the wo- 
man or man, is very severely punished. Tf we 
punished adultery by imprisonment and hard 
labour, and opinion passed a less severe sentence 
on illegitimate connexions, (which nevertheless 
exist clandestinely to an enormous extent in this 
country), I believe our social liberty would be 
vastly improved, and our female population less 
often driven to prostitution. Gibbon and Crevier 



THE AMEEICAN PEOPLE , 117 

both speak of connexions without actual marriage 
recognised by law among the Eomans ; and the 
former writer says justly of this concubinage (as 
it was called in legal terms), that i( m it the two 
Antonines, the best of princes and of men, en- 
joyed the comforts of domestic love/' ( Decline 
and Fall, ch. xliv.) I may add that Antoninus 
Pius was the more justified in such a step as the 
Empress Faustina seems to have been unfaithful 
to him. This concabi?ie of the Eomans was com- 
monly of the lower classes of life, but she very 
properly had legal rights, and her children also, 
who were " capable of succeeding to a sixth part 
of the inheritance of their reputed father." 
(Idem.) I observe that the author of the work 
very properly published by Mr. Truelove for promo- 
ting discussion on these sacred matters, says justly, 
without indeed alluding to the concubinage above 
noticed of the Romans, or " secondary marriage" 
as Gibbon also calls it, and which seems similar 
to what our author suggests for Britain, — •■ that 
all parents should be legally forced to support 
their children/' {Op. Cit., p. 368.) The only 
objection I can perceive to the utility of the above 
suggestions is, that such " secondary marriages" 
might in some cases tend to prevent marriages 
justly so called ; but I apprehend only in a very 
limited degree, and perhaps it would be unfair to 
put this one bad effect in opposition to the nume- 
rous good ones the author of the work in question 
attempts to show would follow were opinion less 
severe on all cases of illicit sexual intercourse. 

I do not think when the ls population question" 
is thus widely considered, not only as to the mere 
permission of abortion or infanticide, but also as 
regards checks, that Christianity has done any 
real good on this subject. At the present day, 



118 LETTERS TO 

certainly, infanticide should be put down by severe- 
law, since checks supply its place ; but since Chris- 
tianity would not consider this as a reason, or in- 
Jluence legislation on any such principle, I see no 
reason to praise Christianity on this point, even 
though I freely give it and Judaism the credit, if 
any there really be, of having changed the world's 
ideas on this subject. " Christianity," says Gibbon, 
(chap, xliv.) had been insufficient (till the time of 
Valentinian) to eradicate this inhuman practice, 
until its gentle influence was fortified by the ter- 
rors of capital punishment." Nevertheless, as it 
fortified the original Jewish idea, it must, I con- 
ceive, lay claim to any merit attached to such 
change of ideas ; though such came near half 
a century after the time of Constantine. Bat, as 
Gibbon hints, it was actual law that put down the 
practice ; and if there be anything really good in 
Christianity, this can always be resorted to by a 
government to punish such crime or sin. As law 
can always thus seize the kernel, we should do 
well to throw the shell with its ambiguity, and 
other bad qualities away, i. e., the so-called re- 
vealed religion itself. 

After having suggested what may probably be 
called Utopian and impracticable, and too vast 
changes in our social system, and that of the 
United States, I shall close this letter by referring 
to a minor reform that is, at least, not impractica- 
ble. I allude to the multiplication of places of 
accomodation for the relief of the urinary organs, 
&c, &c, as Mr. Lewis Gompertz, (the liberal- 
minded originator, along with Mr. Martin, Sir J. 
Mackintosh and others of our laws against cruelty 
to animals) justly observed in a letter which some 
time back he printed and sent to the journals on 
this subject, stating that by the absence of the places 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. {[() 

alluded to, disease is often slowly produced in the or- 
gans in question. In the city during late years there 
has been great improvement, but such has not ex- 
tended to the West End. This neglect is the less jus- 
tifiable in this country, because we have a law 
against " exposure of person," and because we 
often find convictions under this law printed up 
at our park gates. Now it seems very difficult 
occasionally to decide whether such " exposure" 
may not have been a case almost of necessity, mis- 
taken for one of express intention ; and if so, it 
shows that prudery, or economy, here sometimes 
defeats its object, and becomes a source of injus- 
tice to the public. 



NOTES. 



Note A., page 13. — I find Hume seems to doubt the 
utility of Theism as a State Religion. He says, (Natural 
History of Religion,^. 468) "If we should suppose, what 
never happens, that a popular religion were found, in which it 
was declared that nothing but morality could gain the 
divine favour ; if an order of priests were instituted to in- 
culcate this opinion in sermons with all the arts of persua • 
sion ; yet so inveterate are prejudices, that for want of 
some other superstition, they would make the very attendance 
on these sermons the essentials of religion, rather than place 
them in virtue and good morals." 

Again, (p. 469,) "The moral obligation (in the opinion 
of the masses) removes all pretension to religious merit." 
Again, in his Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth, (p. 523,) 
we find him having so little regard to the religion of this, 
that he actually says, "The Presbyterian government is 
established." To be sure, he puts this ecclesiastical court 
under the civil magistrate, by giving him "power to try, 
depose, or suspend, any Presbyter." He adds, (p. 528,) 
" Without dependance of the clergy on the civil magis- 
trates, it is in vain to think that any free government will 
have security." But, though good, this is not enough to 
secure "free government," since, as the magistrates them- 
selves, in all Christian countries, must adopt some form 
of Christianity, they themselves are under its influence, 
almost as much as the clergy are, as the example of Eng- 
land, and even America, now shows ; and as Jefferson said, 
Presbyterians have proved themselves the most intolerant 
of the Protestant sects. I think, therefore, we must admit 
that on the mere question of religion, Sir T. More, in his 
Utopia, is wiser than Hume ; although Hume begins the 
present Essay by saying, in reference to More, that " all 
plans of government which suppose great reformation in 
the manners of mankind, are plainly imaginary." (p. 516.) 
Hence, perhaps, it was that he thought a revealed and in- 



NOTES. 121 

tolerant religion was as good as a tolerant one laying no 
claims to revelation, supposing the former were dependant 
on the civil power. 

But, if " manners cannot be reformed" by good laws, 
what is the use of proposing these ? But that Hume errs 
on this point, great as his talents are, I think is proved by 
some nations surpassing others in civilisation now, just as 
Greece and Rome did formerly. To be sure, Hume says, 
" great reformation," and perhaps the history of the world 
has proved him right in this respect. Still, I must consider 
his u Commonwealth " very defective as regards religion. 
In alluding to Plato, too, on this subject, it is singular that 
he only mentions the Republic, (which he classes with the 
Utopia) as " imaginary ;" while he does not mention the 
Laws, the very last work of Plato, and as St • John justly 
says, " a more really practical work." (Introduction to 
More's Utopia.) 

It might have been possible, after recommending Pres- 
byterianism, to have classed Hume with Frederick the 
Great and others, who thought Christianity at least a use- 
ful creed, though they did not believe in it. But in the 
following passage he justly enumerates its defects, and 
though Catholicism only is alluded to, still the History even 
of Elizabeth's reign shows, as Sydney Smith remarks, 
(Edinburgh Review), that Protestantism at times has been 
quite as intolerant. " Virtue, knowledge, love of liberty, 
are the qualities which call down the fatal vengeance of 
inquisitors." (p. 445.) And such being the case, he in 
this page, most wisely and justly, places the atrocities com- 
mitted by the followers of the Carthaginian and Mexican 
religions in a more excusable light, than those committed 
by Catholics. In his Commonwealth Hume forgets that 
intolerance is directly preached by Christianity, and that 
Catholics and Presbyterians are only more intolerant than 
other sects, because they follow Christianity more to the 
letter. All revealed religions are always more intolerant 
than natural religion, as a matter of course : thus, as 
Gibbon shows, the, in some respects, wise religion of 
Zoroaster was more intolerant than Deism, because it pro- 
fessed to be revealed. But as there was not any TEXT in 
that religion, which expressly consigned heretics to damnation, 
so, of course, even this religion would not be so intolerant 
as Christianity, Mahommedanism, and Judaism. In like 
manner, the Deism, said to have been revealed to Numa^ 
was more tolerant than these. 



1£2 NOTES. 

In consequence of these reflections, I find myself again 
opposed to Hume, " The intolerance of almost all religions 
which have maintained the unity of God, is as remarkable 
as the contrary opinion of Polytheists." (p. 444.) We 
have just seen there is a gradation in the tolerance even of 
Revealed Religions which proclaim Monotheism : hut when 
this doctrine is held merely as a consequence of induction 
from the phenomena of Nature, it is certainly far more tole- 
rant even than Polytheism. 

In his remarks on toleration, in the Essay On a Parti- 
cular Providence, (vol. ii., p. 149,) Hume says, "There 
are scarcely any instances to be met with, in Ancient His- 
tory, of this bigotted jealousy, with which the present age 
is so much infested. Epicurus lived at Athens to an ad- 
vanced age in peace ; Epicureans were even permitted to 
officiate at the altar in the most sacred rites of the estab- 
lished religion : and the public encouragement of pensions 
and salaries was afforded equally by the wisest of the 
Roman Emperors to the Professors of various sects of 
philosophy, says Lucian."* Hume had just before stated, 
that u The death of Socrates proceeded partly from other 
motives," (probably his indulging in irony against powerful 
individuals?) than a want of toleration in Polytheism. 
But I think it is clear from Diogenes Laertius's Lives, that 
there is a distinction to be made in this respect, and that 
the Greeks were far more intolerant than the Romans ; for 
we find that Stilpo, Protagoras, and Aristotle were 
banished, and Theophrastus nearly so ; and that Anaxa- 
goras killed himself to avoid further persecution ^for 
religion's sake, 

Hume would perhaps have us believe by his Note, (C. C, 
vol. i., p. 535,) that the Romans were as bad in this re- 
spect, since he mentions the Emperor Claudius abolishing 
the superstition of the Druids by penal law. But Gibbon 
takes a juster view of this supposed infringement on their 
usual spirit of toleration, by stating that the religion of 
the Druids was obviously highly immoral, since it enforced 
on certain occasions, human sacrifices ; and yet, though 
even this was the case, u the priests themselves, their gods, 
and altars, subsisted in peaceful obscurity till the final de- 
struction of Paganism." {Decline and Fall. Chap, ii., 
sect. i.)f So that in fact, even in this case, it was Chris- 

* Hume also, in his History of England, (vol. i.,) calls 
the Romans " tolerating conquerors." 
f Again — Diocletian (a. d. 284) frequently conferred 



NOTES. 123 

tianity that may be said to have put down the religion : 
Paganism, far more tolerant, left this free, after it had 
wisely prohibited the bad moral part of it, viz., human 
sacrifices. Gibbon, too, has so fully shown that Paganism 
was obliged, for its own existence, to persecute Christianity, 
that Hume's allusion to this case is not in point. Paganism 
was still surely too lenient, for we see that in the end it 
was actually exterminated by Christianity. 

jtfow, in order to point out an oversight in Hume, I 
must beg the reader to refer to my last quotations from his 
Essays, and to compare with the following from the same, 
placed at the head of his Note C, p. 535, vol. i. " It is a 
vulgar error to imagine that the Ancients were as great 
friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are at pre- 
sent." But even the Athenians tolerated Epicurus, as he 
informed us, and I think by the aid of Gibbon I have 
shown these people were far less tolerant than the Romans. 
It follows, then, clearly that the toleration at least of the 
Romans was greater than that of the English or Dutch ; 
and I doubt not, indeed, than even that of the Greeks was, 
considered as mere religion. And, in fact, if we refer again 
to the Natural History of Religion, p. 444, we shall find 
the following passage : — "If among Christians the English 
and Dutch have embraced the principles of toleration, this 
has proceeded from the steady resolution of the civil magis- 
trate, in opposition to the continued efforts of priests and 
bigots." This is in fact saying that Christianity itself is 
far more intolerant than Polytheism, which, in truth, is one 
of the points for which he wrote his Essay in question, 
directly to prove. 

We now see the reason why Hume, in his Commonwealth, 
makes Presbyterianism under the power of the " civil 
magistrate;" because he had seen that such subjection 
could diminish its persecuting spirit, as in England and 
Holland. But the magistrate can only do this in part, and 
that as far as actual laio goes. But Hume forgot theper- 
secution by opinion — the social persecution which must ever 
remain while so intolerant a religion is predominant, even 
as a religion. Besides, this power of the magistrate only 

16 most important offices" on people of ability, who even 
4 ' avowed Atheism. " (Chap, xvi., Diocletian.') This fact 
alone will induce any impartial person to believe that there 
were urgent secular causes for his persecution of the Chris 
iians, still much exaggerated, (See Gibbon.) 



J 24 NOTES. 

remains as long as the laws remain: but as Christianity in- 
fluences the very making of the laws, such laws stand a 
chance of being repealed any day by the influence of some 
bigots, or new ones made more in accordance with the strict 
spirit of Christianity. Hume admits that priestly influence 
has been set aside very judiciously by the civil power ; why, 
then, if there must be a religion for the people, has he not 
preferred the old Polytheism for his Commonwealth ? he 
being a friend of toleration, and himself admitting that 
such was the most tolerant form of religion. I say this on 
the supposition that he thought pure Theism would not do 
for the people. But I cannot think he is right on this point : 
for a religion, under the control of the magistrate, may, 
in fact, be said to be no religion, except that, to show its 
intolerance and power, it will still always continue to per- 
secute by opinion. Now, pure Theism would not do this. 

I do not apprehend that Cicero was so much in favour 
of religious toleration, as a consistent Republican should 
be, for in his Republic or Laws he merely recommends 
every citizen to profess the religion of his country. It 
seems, indeed, probable from Adams's statement, that 
under the Emperors, (as a sort of compensation for the 
loss of much political liberty,) the spirit of religious tole- 
ration increased. u If any one," says Adams, u intro- 
duced foreign rites of himself they were publicly con- 
demned by the Senate. But under the Emperors, all 
superstition, (even of Isis, Serapis, and Anubis, from 
Egypt,) flocked to Rome,"* 

We must, however, bear in mind on this subject, that as 
" iSTero repealed many of the decrees of Claudius," (Sueto- 
nius's Nero, sect. 33) ; so one Emperor acted towards the 
laws of another. Thus, although Augustus disliked the 
Jewish and Egyptian rites, still it was only under Tiberius 
we find something at all events like persecution ; both 

* Roman Antiquities, (p. 56,) quoted from Livy. (Liv. 
xxix., 11 and 12, — iv., 30, — xxv., 50.) In proof of this 
greater tendency to toleration under the Emperors, I may 
quote Gibbon, (chap, xi., Note,) who says, that "in the 
year of Rome 701, the Temple of Isis was demolished by 
order of the Senate : but after the death of Caesar it was 
restored at the public expense.'''' (Dion Cassius, 1. xl., p. 
252, et. 1. xlvii., p. 501.) These last words speak volumes 
in favour of Pagan toleration ; and this we observe was 
just as the Empire was beginning. 



NOTES. 125 

Suetonius (Tiberius, 36 J and Tacitus, (Annals, s. 11 85.) 
agreeing that he made the Jews undergo a sort of banish- 
ment. But it seems most probable, even at this time, that their 
hatred of Paganism (strongly disposing them to actual 
revolt) was the cause of this severity, for we know that 
Tiberius was indifferent to all religions ; and Suetonius 
further on, (Life of Claudius, sect 25,) expressly says, 
** this Emperor banished the Jews out of Rome, ivho were 
perpetually making disturbances.™ But we observe here, 
they were banished even a very little way, viz., " out of 
Home" only. Vespasian obliged the Jews, after the des- 
truction of Jerusalem, to pay a slight tribute, and was 
otherwise severe. But all this was not on account of Ju- 
daism, as a religion, but because we see that, even from the 
time of Claudius, such religion had " caused disturbances.'' 1 
Under Domitian, (Suetonius, sect 12,) it appears some of 
them had their estates confiscated, " because they did not 
pay the tribute laid upon that nation/** But before the 
Jews forced Vespasian into that war, by which Jerusalem 
fell, there seems no evidence that they had any tribute laid 
upon themselves as Jews. Rome seems to have left re- 
ligion, even in this case, free ; and the Jews were justly 
punished, because they wanted their religion to be above 
Paganism. 

" The only direct tribute imposed by the Romans," says 
Lord Brougham, {Nature of Democracy. Roman Polity, 
chap, v., p. 244), " upon a conquered people, was a tax of 
one-twentieth on the sale of -all slaves. f * * They were 
allowed to retain their own laws, form of government, and 
magistrates. Xo Governor was sent from Rome, and the 
Senate and Consuls exercised no authority except in mat- 
ters of peace, and war, and alliances, except, that the 

* " Imposita genti tributa, nan pependissent." See my 

Historical Sketches of some of the Roman Emperors, or 
Crevier's learned Trench work on the same subject. 

f TTe here observe that Lord Brougham says nothing 
about the conquered nations being obliged to pay a tribute 
towards the support of a religion they often (as regarded 
its details) might not believe in. viz., the state religion of 
Rome. Rousseau also says {Control Social, liv. iv.) " a 
crown to Jupiter of the Capitol was often the only tribute 
they imposed." This was in fact only obhging men to 
acknowledge subjection to one Supreme God (T>. 0. M.) 
or powe\ which all must, or ought, to acknowledge. I find 



126 NOTES. 

troops for the wars of the Republic were paid, as well a* 
raised, by the conquered districts. * * * The con- 
quered people were not allowed to intermarry with Romans, 
nor to dwell in the city, nor to hold any offices, nor to have 
any voice in elections, nor to enjoy any intercourse of sacred 
rites." 

It is from this last passage, which I have marked in italics, 
that we may, I think, infer that Polytheism and Christianity 
seemed to have directly opposite tendencies as to the desire 
to extend themselves, and, consequently, as to toleration. 
Paganism seemed to say, worship your own Gods, we can- 
not permit you to worship ours, which are either too 
food for you, or superior to your comprehension. The 
'agans wisely would have scouted our modern ideas of 
" missionaries," or our constant attempts even at home 
conversion. Under such circumstances, it was not very 
likely they would have forced the Jews to pay for the sup- 
port of the Pagan religion, viz., as religion * 

It was not till after the insurrection, A. U. C, 658, that 
the whole ofltaly, south of the Arno and Rubicon, was com- 
prehended in the Roman State, and the above restrictions 
were removed. Julius Cagsar, A. U. C, 705, added Gaul, 
and Caracalla all the provinces of the Roman Empire to 
the citizenship. 

Recurring again more especially to religious toleration, 
I may perhaps urge the less amount of this under the 
Athenian Republic (already alluded to), than under the 
Roman government generally, whether Republican or Im- 
perial, in confirmation of my opinion that religious tolera- 

nothing in the Empire under Paganism like forcing men to 
pay to an " established church," in the doctrines of which 
they cannot believe. This acme of tyranny (see Ireland 
especially) vitiates all the glory of our too highly extolled 
civil liberty. 

* There can be no doubt that it was only because the 
Romans saw that the nature of the Jewish religion was most 
intolerant to all other religions, and hence, consequently, 
often exciting the Jews to revolt, that at last they were 
obliged to act with great seeming intolerance to them. 
Under Trajan again they tried to revolt, and under Adrian 
succeeded in keeping up a formidable war against the 
Empire two years. (See Crevier's Adrian.) These remarks 
apply also to Christians, who seem at this time to have often 
been called Jews. 



NOTES. 127 

tion was greater at Rome under the Empire than under the 
Republic. The Athenians no doubt found that their 
amount of political liberty was so great, that they dared 
not, for the safety of the Republic, allow too great religious 
liberty. Probably the Romans, under their Republic, 
thought so too ; and the opinion seems wise that a Republic 
should not allow such perfect religious toleration as a more 
despotic government can well afford to do. 

It is true that the grand Atheistic or Pantheistic poem of 
Lucretius was written under the Republic before the time 
of Cicero, and this may seem to go against the opinion of 
the greater amount of religious liberty under the Empire. 
But even supposing the poem was circulated as widely as 
any other works, and by a similar number of copies under 
the Republic, still this would only show that from first to 
last, the expression of thought on religious matters was free 
at Rome (Cassar's assertions in the open Senate seem to 
show the same) ; but under the Empire, religious rites or 
practices, (as already stated in regard to Isis) were per- 
mitted, which the Republic would not tolerate. Freedom 
of thought shows great toleration in religious matters no 
doubt, but freedom of practice still greater. 

Since writing the [above, I have re-read Montesquieu's 
Dissertation sur la Politique des Romains dans la Religion, 
and find in it, on the authority of Cicero, (JDe Leg., 1. 2, c. 9) 
that " Augurs could pronounce nothing on public affairs 
without the permission of the magistrates ; and that it was so 
ordered in the books of the Pontiffs." As we have already 
seen that Hume was in favour of ecclesiastical power being 
under civil, he probably adopted this wise view from the 
Romans, but he forgot the British people had a far more 
intolerant religion to deal with, and this, I think, should 
have induced him to have wished to have seen the old 
Pagan religion back again along with the wise regulation 
just mentioned. 

On much the same principle, I think, Roman Catholics 
should do the same, for, strange to say, they also have only 
borrowed half — unfortunately the worst half — and it would 
have been well for toleration had they borrowed the whole. 
We know that their priests object to the Bible being read 
generally, and Montesquieu tells us that the Senate did the 
same with regard to the sibillyne books, and would not allow 
them to be read, except under the pressure of some great 
public calamity . Again, like the Catholics, " ^interpretations 
of these sacred books were forbid," and, adds Montesquieu, 



128 NOTES; 

" by so wise a precaution, arms were taken out of the 
hands of fanaticism and sedition." No doubt any exami^ 
nation of the details of Polytheism would have injured the 
stability of the government ; and as these details were in 
fact the religion of the people — who were too ignorant at 
that time to appreciate the generalities — so true — on which 
Polytheism is founded, the Senate were wise in making the 
above regulations. 

I apprehend the Catholics are so too in the present day 
in these respects ; for they also allow no " interpretations" 
of scripture. But the vast superiority of Polytheism over 
Catholicism is clear from two considerations — 1st, as I just 
observed, its generalities are true ; for, as Montesquieu 
says, the Pagans thought it mattered little whether we 
adored the Divinity itself or the manifestations of the 
Divinity ; for example, Venus, as the passive generative 
power of nature, and the sun as the active power," &c, &c. 
Thus Cicero says (De. Nat. Deorum, b. 2, chap, xxviii.) 
the Supreme Power on land is worshipped under the name 
of Ceres ; on sea, under that of Neptune. 2ndly, There 
was no intolerance in Polytheism. 

Now even the generalities of scripture will not bear any 
philosophical examination of the above kind ; and of course, 
both the Jewish and Christian religions have filled the 
world with dissention and bloodshed by their great intoler- 
ance. 

I say, then, I think the Catholics right in allowing little 
examination and no dissent, because, as reasonable men, 
they must be convinced that the generalities, as well as the 
details of their religion, have no solid foundation ; and, 
consequently, that philosophical examination can only lead 
to discord, and a fatal development of that intolerent spirit 
which is the very essence of all real Christianity. The im- 
mense number of sects, and the intolerant state of opinion 
in the " States," although not having led to much blood- 
shed, will, I think, also favour the wisdom of the Catholics 
on these points ; and I much query whether the sort of 
half-toleration (or even less) of the reformation, admitting 
its good in some respects, was worth the immense amount 
of bloodshed it has cost the world. 

Montesquieu does not say that the Romans imposed any 
tax on conquered nations for the support of their (so to call 
it) u established Church." On the contrary, he asserts 
that they found, or always tried to find, their own Gods, out 
assuming a different name, in all the conquered districts ; and 



NOTES, 1.2.9 

tlius were enabled to give them the strongest possible claim 
to that actual equality which, provided they were not 
themselves intolerant, they in fact acquired at Rome. Now 
this system was not only wise and just r but it was true ; 
for God is everywhere. " Thus," says Montesquieu, with 
real eloquence, " conquered nations regarded Rome rather 
as the sanctuary of religion, than the mistress of the 
world." 

To sum up, recurring again to Hume. I think he should 
have seen in Paganism itself, that Theism (at all events 
when graced with a little poetry, so to call it,) was a possi- 
ble religion for the people. Lord Brougham (Paley's 
Natural Theology Illustrated, Notes viii. and ix., pp. 273 
to 296) shows well that Plato and Cicero held very ra- 
tional opinions on a future state, and that these, Strabo, and 
I might add Polybius, regarded Theism as the foundation 
of Paganism, (Jupiter was always the chief God, see Tay- 
lor's Diegesis, pp. 14-15) ; and that the Mythological fables 
were merely added as being more suited to the comprehen- 
sion of the vulgar — much in the same way as Catholics of 
the present day have by similar embellishments and fiction 
made their faith, replete with male and female saints, like the 
14 lesser Deities" of Paganism — more adapted to the devo- 
tional feelings of the mass of the community. Certainly, the 
poet will, also, rather praise such additions, ( u pious frauds" 
if you like so to call them) for by them Paganism and Catho- 
licism have both become far more poetical religions than 
Protestantism. In consequence, (speaking generally) they 
may be said almost to have given birth to poetry, painting, 
and sculpture. If the Pope would but separate intolerance, 
&c, from Catholicism, I should regard that as a system of 
pure Theism, and the best of any at present existing. 

Note B., page 18. — While laws exist in the statute hook, 
as they do still with us in England in favour of Christi- 
anity, our still very useful martyrs in the cause of free - 
thought, can scarcely say they have forced the government 
to its present very laudable spirit of toleration in matters 
of religion. The government has only given way from 
otives of policy, and on emergency could still if it thought 
fit, resort to its former disgraceful course of persecution, 
which, indeed, was only following Christianity in its real 
spirit. To-day, the government is wisely, only nominally 
Christian in ignoring (for it cannot be said absolutely to 
sanction) the attacks of free-thinkers. 

It seems to me a mistake to suppose that Richard Carlile 

« S 



ISO NOTES. 

(or Robert Taylor,) contributed much to the freedom 
of the British Press as regarded Theology, since Hume and 
Gibbon had previously found publishers. But Carlile, at 
the same time, that he published against Christianity, ad- 
vocated the freest political theories and practice, (short of 
actual communism,) and this was probably very greatly 
concerned in the violent government persecutions in this 
case, though Messrs. Taylor's and Holyoake's imprisonments 
show that lecturing against Christianity offended govern- 
ment much at that time. Thomas Paine commenced writ- 
ing in favour of Republics, and only years afterwards 
attacked Christianity, which attack lost him the friendship 
of Dr. Rush, (see Yale's Life of Paine,) and as Rush was 
a most intimate friend of Jeffersons, caused, perhaps, even 
this latter great man to regard Paine with less cordiality on 
his return to America, than he otherwise would have done. 
(See Memoirs of Jefferson, by Randolph, (in four vols.) 

It was not till the Throne seemed attacked as well as the 
Altar, that our government moved. Be it also remembered, 
that America and France had actually succeeded in estab- 
lishing Republics at the time Paine wrote, and when 
Carlile began to reprint his works. Now, as there is no 
fear of any party succeeding in establishing a Republic 
here, further than on paper, government ignores political 
writings that go even farther than Carlile thought desirable. 
He did not advocate communism ; but many works now 
left free do ; nor are the writers prosecuted. But, I ap- 
prehend, the government has not lost the power to prose- 
cute, should a change of circumstances seem to render such 
a step desirable. Some old law exists in the statute book, 
like the one in reference to Christianity, and like that 
could be evoked on emergency. These spectres, too, might 
not only " be called ;" but would actually " come," when 
called for. That the British government merely ignores, 
and can not in reality be said, even now actually to tolerate 
writings against Christianity, the following case among 
others, distinctly sbows. It is taken from Cox's Work, p. p. 
477-8. 

Alter stating that from policy, ( u as prohibition tends 
rather to increase then diminish circulation,") the press is 
left free, except in some peculiarly offensive cases, Cox 
continues, " In England the celebrated maxim, that 
Christianity is part and parcel of the law," continues to 
operate as a bar to the free propagation of opinion, in a 
manner which it is impossible for a moment to defend. On 



NOTES. 131 

this principle, Lord Hardwicke in 1743, decided that a 
sum of money left to found an institution for reading the 
Jewish law, could not legally be so applied ; and so late as 
June, |,1855 ! a similar decision was given by the Vice- 
Chancellor,, and the following bequest was declared to be 
null, as being " repugnant to revealed religion." 

W. J. Hartley, by will, dated 1843, " gave to Major 
General Briggs <£300 as a remuneration, for the best ori- 
ginal essay on Natural Theology, treating it as a science, 
&c. ; also demonstrating the adequacy of this, wheu so 
treated and taught as a science, to constitute a true, perfect, 
and philosophical system of universal religion, founded on 
immutable facts, and the works of creation, and beautifully 
adapted to man's reason, and tending as other sciences do, 
but in a higher degree, to improve and elevate his nature, 
and render him a wise, happy, and exalted being."* 

The Yice- Chancellor said, that in his opinion, the above 
words which the testator had chosen to adopt, could not 
mean anything that was at all consistent with Christianity. 

In this respect, no doubt, he was right ; but his decision 
shows, that even now, as Cox justly says, the supposed non- 
belief in Christianity operates on a person's interest in a 
" manner which it is impossible to defend." For here we 
see, that although a person uses no disrespect whatever to 
the prevailing creed, yet, because his views are considered 
to be even secretly hostile to it, his bequest is made null. 
This will be warning enough to those who believe only in 
the one true religion, (viz., Theism,) to give anything they 
wish for its support, during their life-time, since treat 
Christianity as respectfully as you may, you cannot annihi- 
late its inherent persecuting spirit. Had Theism, on the 
contrary, been the religion of the State as I suggest, it 
would have tolerated a bequest of this sort from any sec- 
tarian to his sect, whether it were Jew, Christian, or In- 
fidel. Cox goes on to say, that the same unjust decision 
did not occur in Scotland in 1832 in Taylor's case. But 
here the bequest was u to the general Unitarian Baptist 
Assembly ;" and as Unitarians are admitted to our Parlia- 
ment, as calling themselves Christians, the cases are totally 
different ; and besides, this decision was made by Lord 
Jeffery, who, as a writer for the Edinburgh Review, was as 

* Cox justly praises this as appearing to have^ been 
the religion of " Socrates, Cicero, Collins, Adam Smith, 
Franklin, and Jefferson." (p. 480.) 



132 NOTES. 

liberal as opinion allowed him to be. Therefore, I appre- 
hend, Cox to be in error, when he considers Scotland, in 
this respect, more free than England. (Op. Cit., p. 479.) 

It follows, from all the above, that our free-thinkers 
should not consider their victory complete, till they have 
got the noxious laws in question out of the statute book. We 
see obsolete laws (as we suppose,) almost every week 
being attempted to be put in practice again, as for instance, 
in reference to the labourer, (p. 32, note) : and though I 
am glad to see, that Sir George Grey has reversed the de- 
cision of those magistrates, it seems still, perhaps, doubt- 
ful, whether their decision was not strictly legal ; and 
whether or not, it is to be remembered, that this old man 
lias been subjected to a vast deal of annoyance, on account 
of our bad mode of legislation. This is anything but liberty. 

The Athenian custom, noticed, p. 82, is clearly the 
proper one ; and Lord Brougham is said to be now occu- 
pied in endeavouring to get all the useless or injurious laws 
on our statute book repealed. Doubtless, he deserves great 
praise for such labour ; but time will show whether our 
Christian, by necessity, legislature, will tolerate this blow 
■ — which alone can be called the death blow — against bigotry, 
or if " things were called by their right names" — actual 

IRRELIGION. 

Note C, Page 23. — As the Bible expressly commands 
death to witches, I have urged this in my third argument 
(p. 23) as another objection against even the utility of the 
scriptures. I propose here to enter into a few details of the 
evils this scripture doctrine has caused. 

1. — " The charge of witchcraft too commonly arose out 
of the medical success of the offender." (Sandby's Mes- 
merism, p. 40.) " The persecutions for witchcraft did not 
commence till towards the close of the 15th century, i. e., 
when what are called the dark or middle ages were rapidly 
passing away !" 

2. — " This persecution extended all over Europe, and by 
it many thousands suffered death." 

3. — u During the Puritanic supremacy of the famous long 
parliament, 3,000 victims perished." (p. 41.) " The 
General Assembly passed an act for all ministers to take 
note of witches and charms." 

In pp. 42 and 43, after many instances of the persecu- 
ting spirit of the Presbyterian clergy on this point, we find 
that u three poor women were executed in 1623 at Perth 
for doctoring." (p. 44.) 



tfoTfcS. 133 

u These charges were generally connected with cures 
wrought, or attempted, for some severe disease. The igno- 
rant prosecutors could not explain what they saw : it was 
a paradox how an old woman could by f simples' cure dis- 
eases which had resisted the wisdom of the professor." 
Hence the charge of sorcery. 

I am indebted to Mr. Sandby's work for the above facts ;* 
but I shall no doubt draw a somewhat different conclusion 
from them from what the rev. gentleman has done. 

1st. — They show the danger there is to the public in ad- 
mitting that anything like supernatural science is true, with- 
out complete and impartial examination. Here we find 
people punished for imaginary crimes. Individuals who 
themselves professed to have the power of witchcraft, de- 
served, no doubt, a lenient punishment (fine) for fraud ; 
just as astrologers, and many mesmerists and somnambules 
do at the present day. But those who did not themselves 
profess to know such art, deserved no punishment. 

2ndly. — They show that Protestantism can sometimes be 
as intolerant as Catholicism ; and that the advantages of a 
free form of government may be very materially diminished 
by co-existence of superstition, or a pernicious senti- 
ment which is the offspring of revealed religion. (See No. 
3 above quotation.) 

3rdly. — They confirm what I have said in this work in 
reference to preaching Christianity to u the heathen," and 
nations immersed in ignorance — nay perhaps even further — 
to highly educated nations ; since the reader will ob- 
serve the curious fact, viz., it was at " the close of the 15th 
century," just about the time of the spread of knowledge by 
printing and the so-called reformation, that believers in Chris- 
tianity began to persecute for witchcraft 1 

The present religious condition of the highly educated 
United States, with its Shakers, Swedenbourgians, and 
Spirit Eappers, &c, &c, (I speak with no disrespect) added 
to the fact just noted, confirms me more and more in the 
belief that every State should have an established religion ; 
but also, that that religion should be natural Theism. The 
command — " Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live," still 
exists in the scriptures, nor can any man tell when opinion 

* The student should also refer to a No. in the Edinburgh 
some years ago for details of still further horrors, and to 
mark the vast numbers executed. 



134 NOTES. 

or clerical influence may again be powerful enough — at all 
events in new and barbarous nations — to cause it to be 
obeyed. 

Note D., page 57. — As I have often called Protestantism 
only a sort of half reformation, I shall here add some de- 
tails on the subject by way of establishing my points. 

Gibbon very justly calls the reformers of the 15th and 
16th centuries u a set of fanatics."* That great historian 
contented himself as a reformer in matters of religion, with 
showing that Christianity was not altogether of divine 
origin ; and as this was a vast step indeed in advance of 
Luther and Calvin, he deserves immortal honour, yet is not 
likely to get his statue in the u Abbey." However, he is 
still too guarded in his remarks on the tendency of Chris- 
tianity. In regard to " unconditional submission," his 
views are clear enough as he prefers the views of Paganism to 
Christianity on this point — the sway of the Antonines to that 
of Constantine or Theodosius. But in different parts we 
find him speaking of the " mild tendency of the gospel," 
as if in approval of its true spirit,f in contradistinction to 
the precept and practices of its degenerate professors. But 
surely, when noticing the persecutions of Charles the Fifth, 
he might justly have said, here we have an instance of its 
bad tendency on a man of an enlarged and otherwise liberal 
mind. 

]STo doubt, Charles V., began very mildly with Luther 

* ISTo doubt they were, and some of the changes they 
made were as foolish as they were unjust ; witness the 
closed pew system, shutting up churches six days in the 
week, and building such small ones. It is to be remarked, 
too, that every form of Catholicism is of a more cheerful 
character than of Calvinistic Protestantism, even to the 
sound of the church bell. I have no doubt that ail except 
fanatics would be very glad to find this, reminding one of 
anything rather than heaven, tolling only ten minutes instead 
of twenty minutes, or half an hour twice each Sunday — es- 
pecially if they lived in the immediate vicinity of the Pro- 
testant church. 

t See end of chap. xvi. I think, too, that Gibbon was 
deterred by the unjust clamour raised against this chapter, 
from doing full justice afterwards to the life of the Em- 
peror Julian (ch. xxiii.) Indeed, he almost says so himself 
hy implication. (See Life by himself.) 



NOTES. 135 

when lie summoned him to Worms ;* but afterwards we 
find him approving of the punishment of death for heresy, 
and asserting that " it was strange the German nation 
should undertake to do what all other nations in the uni- 
verse, even with the Pope, would not be authorised to do," 
and concluding by censuring " the new Mahomet," as he 
called Luther.f He did not resort to harsh measures, 
certainly, before he found mild ones ineffectual to sup- 
press the " movement :" but let us reflect that these harsh 
measures were the stake, and that during his reign, (from 
1545 to 1556) no less 1,320 were burnt alive, and 6,600 
sentenced to the galleys or imprisonment for mere heresy. % 

Although nothing can justify such barbarity, still it must 
be confessed that Charles might have viewed one of Luther's 
innovations, viz. — justification by faith, not only as un- 
scriptural, but what is of vast more importance, as highly 
immoral ; and this too in a man who professed to start a 
purer view of Christianity. " Penance, says he, and such 
sort of sacrifice is not wanted :" we are led by implication to 
infer the #t sole sacrifice," Luther considered wanted, was 
that of Reason!! This was to be sacrificed to what he 
called Faith! (D'Aubigne, vol. 1, p. 73). Let us admit 
on this subject, that if the Roman Catholics had pushed the 

* D'Aubigne's History of the ^Reformation, (by Scott,) 
vol. i., pp. 585-636. 

f Idem., vol. ii., p. 305. 

% Vol. ii., p. 626. The numbers burnt by order of 
Torquemada between 1481 and 1498 were 10,220. It is 
not till from 1759 till 1788, in the reign of Charles III., 
that we find a very great diminution, the numbers burnt 
being only four ; and from 1788 to 1808 none. 

After giving the above and the other details, Scott re- 
marks, " It is lamentable to think that infidel philosophy, not 
evangelical Christianity, has been the grand agent in effecting 
the diminution of victims. 11 So much for the blessings, then, 
of mere Protestantism to the world ! This, for a time, 
tended to increase the number of victims, giving indeed 
some, but not very great, advantage to mankind for such 
vast sacrifice. It was not till Montesquieu, Diderot, 
Volney, Voltaire, Rousseau, Hume, Gibbon, and others 
began to doubt or deny the truth of Christianity itself, viz., 
irom before 1770 to 1788, that this bloody persecution was 
changed to the milder form in which we see it exist at the 
present, viz., censure by opinion. 



136 NOTES. 

belief in the power of the Pope and their church to pardon 
sins (after penance) too far, the Lutherans, on the other 
side, insisted to an absurd and prejudicial extent, on the 
text: — " If we confess our sins to God, he is faithful and 
just to forgive us our sins." (p. 40). With the great mass, 
this sort of confession is no confession at all ; and certainly 
confession to a conscientious Roman Catholic priest (and 
there are many such) would have been a greater check on 
crime, had not that church unfortunately got into the 
practice of selling indulgences. Here, I confess, Luther 
justly attacked them; but when we find Leo X. making such 
good use for the public of the vast sums acquired by the 
sale of these, as building St. Peter's at Rome, and 
buying M.S.S. of Livy, (p. 232), Tacitus, (Valery's Tra- 
vels), and other classical authors, we must regard even 
this abuse with more lenity than otherwise. The fault is 
inherent in the creed itself, which tells us that by repen- 
tance the reddest sins will be forgiven. Such belief will 
ever be as much liable to abuse with Luther's views equally 
as with those of the Roman Catholics, as the case (a few 
years ago) of the wholesale Norwich murderer Rush — to 
all appearance a very sincere Protestant — evinced. " No 
man can prove from scripture, that God's justice requires 
any satisfaction (except repentance) from the sinner," said 
Luther, (p. 238), and perhaps he may be right ; but I ap- 
prehend it would have been better for the community, had 
Rush and similar characters, held the belief, that confession 
and repentance openly to a priest, and even some payment 
or penance, was necessary as a " satisfaction." Again, 
(p. 599), Luther preaches : — " We are saved by the works 
of Christ, not our own works." The Pope says something 
very different, and he probably says something better, 
though whether more strictly scriptural, I apprehend 
neither he or any one else can truly decide, seeing how am- 
biguous every point looks by scripture light. As our own 
works cannot save us ; so thought Rush they cannot damn 
us, provided we repent, or appear to do so, for (see his 
trial) he seemed to expect salvation. 

" People must first be made partakers of life by faith, 
if they would do works pleasing to God," says D'Aubigne's 
commentator, (p. 578,) in which the gross immorality and 
injustice of Lutheran u justification by faith" may be said 
to be summed up. Again, in Luther's own confession, 
"Faith alone justifies "before God, without works!" 
(p. 179.) Charles V. must indeed have looked with 



NOTES, 137 

contempt on such pretended reforms in doctrine as these 
words imply. 

Again, from one of Luther's sermons, " We do not 
become righteous, as Aristotle pretends, by doing works 
of righteousness : but having become righteous, we do such 
works! ! " (p. 193.) So Luther himself broke his vow as 
a Monk and married ; justifying perhaps his falsehood by 
his faith. On the same ground Rush might have said, 
since I believe, my works must be good. I do not by this 
mean to put these men in the same category certainly : and 
I allow that Luther did good in spite of his doctrine, in 
getting permission for priests to marry : but this does not 
excuse him personally, for he was a Monk, and had made a 
vow ; and if men or women (after a certain age and of their 
own free choice) like even now to adopt such chastity, I do 
not see why they should be prevented. 

The revival of letters, the discovery of printing, and 
the magnetic compass in the 15th century, preceded 
Luther's Reformation in the 16th< The Medici family at 
Florence, after learned Greek scholars had been forced 
into Italy from Constantinople, in consequence of the con- 
quest of this by the Turks in 1453, countenanced the 
revival of the religion contained in Plato's works. ( Op. 
Cit., p. 71.) It is a great pity for the world they did not 
succeed in putting the religion of these in place of that of 
the Reformation, which was partly occasioned by the above 
discoveries. Mr. Scott, in the preface to D'Aubigne, p. 9, 
opposes even this writer himself, when he says, as we have 
just seen was the case, that the enfranchisement of the 
human mind was begun by the discoveries of printing, the 
compass, &c, &c. The Puritanical Scotch Translator, 
however, will not allow these even to have played a minor 
part in forwarding the Reformation ! He says — " take 
from philosophy what she owes to the Gospel, and even 
France will be found to owe little indeed to the natural 
powers of the mind." Now I may reply, as I have done 
before, that the state of the ancient Greek and Roman 
Pagan world is a satisfactory answer to Mr. Scott's argu- 
ment, that civil liberty, and order, and civilisation, cannot 
exist without protestantism, and consequently without 
Christianity. I am willing to admit, that Protestantism is 
somewhat more favourable to civil liberty, than the pure 
Catholicism of Italy and Spain is, though not so much so 
as the reformed Catholicism, (so to call it,) at least was 
under Louis Phillippe of France ; and I am also ready to 



138 NOTES. 

allow, that as Luther preached — " none ought to suffer 
constraint, liberty is the essence of the faith"* he deserves 
credit on the score of having in respect to theoretical 
toleration made a real improvement. But we must at the 
same time remember, that Luther could scarcely attempt 
any reform in the church, and preach otherwise ; since his 
yery object was the liberty of changing. But to say that 
he was preaching real Christianity — which expressly com- 
mands unconditional submission, and was probably adopted 
by Constantine and others on this account — when he was 
preaching as above, is totally absurd. When we are told 
to u obey the powers which be"— and when St. Paul tells 
the fugitive slave to go back to his master — any attempt to 
engraft the principles of civil liberty on such a creed, must 
be clearly futile. The increase of such liberty, then in 
Europe, after the Reformation, was caused in reality by the 
Reformers declining to adhere to strict principles of 
Christianity. The inventions of the 15th century show that 
(contrary to Scott's view,) the human mind could, without 
the assistance of scripture, contribute to civilisation ; and 
though, as Mr. Hallam truly says, (Introduction to the 
Literature of Europe,) " the doctrines of Luther, taken 
together, are not more rational * * than those of the 
church of Rome," still Luther was obliged to change some- 
thing for the better to gain converts, and fortunately for 
mankind, he preached against the supreme spiritual power 
of the Pope — " the priest having the power to forgive sin," 
(vol. ii, p. 292,) and against the celibacy of the clergy. 

Let us add — Although it may be doubtful whether 
" Luther contributed much to take learning out of the 
hands of the priests, who had engrossed it to themselves, 
as those of ancient Egypt did," we must, according to 
D'Aubigne, give him credit for attempting (vol. ii., p. 331) 
to do this. It was printing that did it in reality; and 
contrary to Mr. Scott's opinion, Luther was, therefore, in 

r * Vol. ii, p. 206. When Luther preached thus, too, he 
was not in power. This consideration takes off much from 
the merit of the man ; for, out of power, tolerance is a 
much easier virtue. Accordingly, we find that, though 
Protestantism at first was more tolerant than its enemy, 
still when it got the ascendancy under Elizabeth, it was 
sufficiently intolerant, (see p. 36,) and has only become 
somewhat less so at present, in consequence of the spirit of 
the age. 



NOTES. 139 

t his respect, much indebted to this recent invention, for 
power to carry on the work of the Reformation. But this 
and the other inventions of the 15th century would, no 
doubt, of themselves, eventually have brought about the 
above useful practical changes, and the same increase in 
the amount of civil liberty. D'Aubigne, indeed, thinks 
not : but he is still far more sensible than his translator 
who will not admit they had any influence whatever ! in 
the work of the Reformation. It is not improbable that 
this could not have taken place, even so easily as it did, 
without some previous general improvement, in conse- 
quence of the invention of printing, &c, &c. This inven- 
tion, by enabling the middle and poorer class to get books, 
would also enable them (after the revival of the study of 
Greek and Roman authors) to perceive, that as good 
government had existed before the appearance of Chris- 
tianity, so it might exist with less of it than Catholicism 
required; and such is, in fact, Protestantism, (I mean it 
is a sort of half Christianity,) though of course Protes- 
tants will deny such an obvious truth. 

But one of the most powerful causes of the success of 
the Reformation (1 think omitted by D'Aubigne?) was the 
following, viz., that its principles were embraced by some of 
those in power, viz., Albert, hereditary Duke of Prussia 
the Elector of Saxony, and partly by our Henry VIII. 
Frederick the Great justly said, he owed his ancestors 
much for throwing off this thraldom ; and no doubt some 
idea of personal interest contributed to make the above 
sovereigns embrace Luther's views. And without this the 
Reformation would probably have stopped ! So much for 
Scott attributing the change solely to Divine interposition ! 
Henry VIII. 's adoption of it arose from the very lowest 
hind of personal interest. 

I am glad to find that an author, who published in 1822 
a bold and excellent reply to the Rev. T. Rennell's Essay 
against Scepticism, — and which Essay, supported as it was 
by opinion all through the country, may, perhaps, be said 
to have forced Mr. Lawrence to a recantation dishonour- 
able, if not to himself, at all events so to the opinion of 
Britain, — holds the views of the Reformation advocated 
in this note. I allude to Sir T. C. Morgan, who says, 
(Philosophy of Morals, p. 289, note, — Colburn, 1822,) 
44 Notwithstanding the number of sects, there are but three 
modifications of opinion at all tenable : Deism, Unitarian- 
ism, and Catholicism. The doctrines of the Churck of 



140 NOTES, 

England are too much like Popery, under another name and 
heady Such being the case, we may well, indeed, ask, if 
Luther's so-called Reformation was worth even the blood 
of the 70,000 Protestants (to name no other victims) it 
caused to be butchered in France, on August 24th, 1572, 
called the massacre of St. Bartholomew? (Taylor's 
Diegesis. p. 137. Truelove and Holyoake.) Luther 
would certainly have done far more good to humanity had 
he at once preached Theism, and, probably, such religion 
would have been quite as well received by the Roman 
Catholics ; the vast extent of the above-named massacre, 
shows it could scarcely have been worse received. 

Sir C. Morgan, also like myself, has no great opinion of 
Christian Missionary labours, and (p. 180) he calls them 
4 1 ill-timed and irrational" In short, his is no doubt the 
work of a Theist or Pantheist. Perhaps he speaks almost 
as plainly as Gibbon, as to his own faith ; and certainly 
more so than Mr. Robert Cox. So that the work deserves 
to be studied attentively even now by all Statesmen, were 
it, indeed, only for the following passage as to what the 
Reformation, at all events, should have been. " The 
punishment of libel against the established religion, (he 
alludes probably to the cases of Paine and Richard Carlile,) 
is a flat contradiction to the right of private judgment on 
which Protestantism is founded." (p. 336.) The despotic 
opinion of Britain will not even yet admit the truth of this, 
but, as usual, is so much the more disposed to punish 
socially, because Law at the present period, it seems, 
will not imprison the supposed culprit. We have yet to 
learn that political liberty constitutes only a part of real 
freedom ; and that many nations behind us in this are yet 
far before us in social, and, I may add, practical religious 
liberty. I conclude this note, then, by referring the 
reader to the quotation from Quinet with which I have 
begun and by re-asserting that this applies in many re- 
spects more forcibly to our Puritanical Protestantism than 
to Catholicism. The latter is at least the open foe of 
liberty ; while the former, by pretending to concede it, in- 
sinuates its love of monotonous and strict order into our 
every-day intercourse, and by its tyrannical influence leaves . 
us scarcely a vestige of the most valuable perhaps of all 
liberty, — I mean social liberty. 

Note E, Page 70. — Since the remarks on the passages in 
Tacitus and Suetonius were written, I find the Rev. Robert 
Taylor in his Diegesis (pp. 372-9 ? ) endeavours to make out, 



NOTES. 241 

1st, — that the passage in Tacitus is u a forgery or inter- 
polation ;" and, 2ndly, — that " there is no reasonable 
ground that by Chrestus, Suetonius meant Christus." 
(p. 377.) 

In regard to Tacitus, I have only to observe that Gib- 
bon (chap, xvi.) considers it genuine ; and as to its having 
been put into the text in order to favour the truth of the 
evidences of Christianity as Taylor suggests, (p. 376), it 
seems to make Tacitus speak more against the utility and 
purity of this religion, than was necessary. Surely a skil- 
ful interpolater would have been anxious to have got a 
testimony of so mnch value as that of the great historian 
somewhat less inimical to the very utility of the creed, 
Without, therefore, denying merit to Taylor for his at- 
tempts to get at truth on this point, and recommending 
impartial men to read the twenty reasons he gives, I for 
the present follow Gibbon on this head. 

For similar reasons I follow him in considering that 
Chrestus in Suetonius is synonymous with Christus, for 
here again Gibbon in a note renders the term malefica (not 
magical as he says some have done) but like exitiabilis — per- 
nicious. Surely interpolators would not have spoken so 
decidedly against the very utility of a creed they wished 
future generations to adopt. 

I now come to what Mr. Taylor says about the passage 
in Pliny, who was the personal friend of Tacitus. He ob- 
serves that, contrary to Dr. Semler, of Leipsic, and others, 
he cannot " admit it to be fairly conquered." (p. 383.) 
But this passage will tend then to favour the belief that the 
foregoing in Tacitus is genuine, for the sentiments of Pliny 
on the Christian faith, as I shall now proceed to state, are 
very similar, as was to be expected, to those of Tacitus and 
Suetonius, though, perhaps, he scarcely speaks so badly of 
it as a creed, for, although in one place he calls it amentia, 
and in another super stitio prava, (p. 380), yet he had, in a 
passage just before, spoken well of its morality, (but be it 
observed, in this latter respect only on the testimony of a 
Christian, for he himself, as Gibbon says, (chap, xvi.), 
seems to have known little or nothing about it !) Hence, 
as the Christian under accusation was naturally enough 
anxious" to make the new religion appear good, we 
should not value this testimony too highly ; and certainly 
not regard it as Pliny } s own opinion. 

In this letter of Pliny we find two assertions that will, I 
think, justify the Roman government in its somewhat harsh 



142 NOTES. 

treatment of the Christians on this occasion. 1st, — They 
seemed to have objected to recognise the Roman Emperors 
as the head of the government, probably because they 
were " required to invoke the image of the Emperor with 
wine and frankincense," and this seemed to them more akin 
to divine honours than what he was entitled to. Perhaps 
in this they were partly right ; and yet they should have re- 
membered that even such honours did not make the Em- 
peror equal to Jupiter, the D. O. M., or Supreme God. - 

2ndly. — As Mr. Taylor observes, they met in societies 
before daylight (ante lucem), and the Romans might well 
believe nocturnal meetings of bodies of men plotted 
something " against the welfare and peace of society." 
(p. 381.) Such nocturnal meetings had always been by the 
xii tables considered illegal. (Gibbon, chap, xliv.) 

I think when these two points are considered, we shall 
see in the Roman apparent persecution, nothing more than 
a mere political precaution for the safety of the state,,and with 
Gibbon u be unable to discover any bigotry in the language 
or proceedings of Pliny." (Note, chap, xvi.) He was only 
doing his duty in requiring that the new infatuation 
(amentia), as he justly called it, should not actually put down 
the established divinities of the empire, and that this was 
its object, the subsequent suppression of Paganism by force 
— by the " punishment even of death," (Diegesis, p. 137) — 
fully evinced. We can more easily excuse a little severity 
of Pliny too, because, (as Gibbon observes), his father, 
the naturalist, lived at the time of the supposed darkness 
of the crucifixion, yet says nothing about it in his great 
work which recorded all such wonders of nature ! The 
learned son, then, might well call such creed an ^ u infatua- 
tion." 

As to the — at first sight — more reasonable objection of 
the Jews and Christians to pay divine honours to the statue 
of the Emperor, Pliny, in another passage, separates, in 
some measure, the human and divine, and does not call 
the Emperor a Deity. It was merely something on the 
same principle as we say — " Fear God and honour the 
King." 

Note F, Page 110. — Having spoken of Roman oaths, I 
may here add some remarks on the precautions the Romans 
took to favour justice, in case also of debts. I shall with the 
same view then allude to the state of lawyers. 

In the early time of the Republic, the debtor was re- 
tained in a state of slavery (Qwi'rc., vi., 3, 26) by his ere- 



NOTES. 143 

ditor until he found means to discharge his debt. Subse- 
quently, (A. U. 429), " the law only required that the 
goods of the debtor, and not his person, should be given up 
to the creditor." {Roman Antiquities, p. 40.) Subsequently, 
" only one-fourth part of the debt" required to be paid by 
law, which, with some little change, seems to have been in 
force at the time of Julius Caesar and afterwards. If the 
debtor were actually always obliged sooner or later to pay 
even this one-fourth, it seems to have been better than 
some of our modern laws, that allow the debtor to escape 
without paying any part of his debt. 

Lawyers, too, under the Eoman government seem to 
have been in a better position for the public, though not 
perhaps for themselves, than in modern times. u By the 
Cincian law, lawyers were prohibited from taking fees or 
presents from those who consulted them. * * * Hence 
the law was studied from a desire of assisting fellow citi- 
zens, and through their favour of rising to preferments." 
(Roman Antiquities, p. 155.) " Afterwards, lawyers were 
permitted to take fees, but not above a certain sum." (Idem.) 
I apprehend while such laws are in force, there is at least 
less temptation than there is at present, to make the worse 
appear the better cause, and that no gentleman at that 
period had much inducement to make a flaming speech in 
favour of a murderer's innocence, when he had the man's 
confession of guilt in his pocket, as one of our lawyers 
(now noted among pious persecutors) is said to have done, 
I know not with what truth. 

I think when the above view as to the state of debtor and 
creditor, and lawyers, is considered, and the fact added to 
it of a distribution of corn gratuitously at stated periods 
to the poorest classes (under Augustus 200,000 received 
corn from the public," Op. CiL, p. 160), we shall be in- 
clined to think with Adams, that "the bulk of the people 
* * were not more oppressed under the Empire than they 
had been under the Republic ;" (Op. Cit., p. 145) and fur- 
ther, when their high state of religious freedom is added, 
that ancient surpasses modern civilization as far as that 
most important point, the moral and political state of the 
world, is concerned. 

I shall close this note by an allusion to a belief that seems 
to!have somewhat increased even while this work has been 
passing through the press — I mean " spirit-rapping." In a 
work on Reforms, I am the more bound to notice this, as in 
some cases too vivid a belief in this fallacy seems not only 



144 NOTES. 

to have impaired the reason, but actually to have led to 
suicide. I well know from the sacrifice of time and money 
I was obliged to make to satisfy myself that clairvoyance is 
a fallacy, that the same will be required as regards spirit- 
rapping, since, of course, our American and other exhibi- 
tors who come over here are not in general in a position to 
work for nothing. But even when their belief is sincere, 
and they are known as honest, this is very little more reason 
for taking their exhibitions almost on trust, as many do, than 
if they were known as pennyless impostors. Although I 
do not approve of ridicule in such matters, yet (this apart) 
I am glad to observe the "wizard of the north" is now 
showing how all these " rappings" may be done by merely 
natural means. The * c mysterious lady " did the same for- 
merly as regards clairvoyance ; and it had a good effect, by 
showing that such wonderful feats were not of necessity su- 
pernatural. When this is clearly seen, men will soon begin 
to investigate the matter more strictly, and no longer be 
half frightened away from all investigation, as I have known 
parties to be in regard to the far less awful pretentions of 
clairvoyance. 



THE END. 



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